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Date: April 30, 2024 Tue
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Results for hate crimes
97 results foundAuthor: Githens-Mazer, Jonathan Title: Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: A London Case Study Summary: The perils of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime threaten to undermine basic human rights, fundamental aspects of citizenship and co-existing partnerships for Muslims and non-Muslims alike in contemporary Europe. Routine portrayals of Islam as a religion of hatred, violence and inherent intolerance have become key planks for the emergence of extremist nationalist, anti-immigration politics in Europe - planks which seek to exploit populist fears and which have the potential to lead to Muslim disempowerment in Europe. Sections of the media have created a situation where the one serves to heighten the unfounded claims and anxieties of the other - such that politicians from Austria to the Britain, and the Netherlands to Spain, feel comfortable in using terms like "Tsunamis of Muslim immigration", and accuse Islam of being a fundamental threat to a "European way of life". While in many cases, the traction of this populist approach reflects an ignorance of Islamic faith, practice and belief, there are many think-tanks which are currently engaged in promoting erroneous depictions of Islam and Muslim political beliefs through unsubstantiated and academically baseless studies, and a reliance on techniques such as 'junk-polling'. Prior to researching Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime in London, we worked with Muslim Londoners to research the contested notion of what is widely termed by academics and policy makers as "violent radicalisation" (Githens-Mazer, 2010, Lambert 2010). To a large extent it was that prior research experience that persuaded us to embark on this new project. That is to say, there is an important link between the two areas of work which we should explain at the outset. Since 9/11 Muslim Londoners, no less than Muslims in towns and cities across Europe, have often been unfairly stigmatised as subversive threats to state security and social cohesion, sometimes characterised as a fifth column (Cox and Marks 2006, Gove 2006, Mayer and Frampton 2009). We do not suggest that this stigmatisation did not exist before 9/11, still less do we argue that it revolves solely around the issues of security and social cohesion, but we do claim that the response to 9/11 - 'the war on terror' - and much of the rhetoric that has surrounded it has played a significant part in increasing the public perception of European Muslims as potential enemies rather than potential partners and neighbours. From our perspectives and experience, both academic and practitioner, the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime is morally abhorrent and needs to be countered. Muslim communities in the UK and Europe have important contributions to make to the local communities and broader societies in which they live. Yet to date, these communities, and Islam more broadly, are often the subject of misunderstanding and vilification. Whereas Islamic legal and political traditions have, at key points, inspired and informed Western political and intellectual traditions, and Muslims in Europe have historically made, and especially today continue to make, important contributions at every level of British and European society, portrayals of their religion and identity still often seem to focus on terrorism, intolerance, and issues such as the veil. While such portrayals are unjust and empirically untrue, they still appear to academically, politically and popularly inform perceptions of Islam in Britain and Europe. This insidious phenomenon runs the very real risk of driving deep divisions through European societies, and of alienating friends, neighbours and political partners. Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: a London case study represents an initial and introductory first report for the newly formed European Muslim Research Centre (EMRC). Initial and introductory because this is a long-term ongoing project, and what follows here is only the tip of the iceberg. We are particularly pleased to be presenting the report at the London Muslim Centre (LMC) in Whitechapel on 28 January 2010. In important respects both the venue and location are symbolic. At the end of the nineteenth century and again in the twentieth century Whitechapel has been at the hub of resistance to anti-Semitic and anti-racist violence (Catterral, 1994; Malek 2006). Most famously in the 1930s in opposition to Oswald Mosley's fascist Blackshirts (Dorril, 2007), and again in the 1970s and 1980s in opposition to the National Front (NF), Londoners united in Whitechapel to defeat the sectarian street violence that invariably accompanies fascist, neo-Nazi politics (Hann and Tilsey 2003). After analysing our research findings we anticipate that Londoners will once again need to unite in Whitechapel against a violent, sectarian threat during the next decade. Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim Hate Crime: a London case study is therefore our first contribution to what we anticipate will again be a successful long-term grass roots campaign against the politics of hate. The extremist nationalist politics that once targeted Jews and Asians in East London is now unambiguously aimed at Muslims (BNP 2006, 2009). Suffice to say Whitechapel is now home to many poor Muslim families in the way that it once was home to poor Jewish families. LMC is at the hub of numerous good citizenship initiatives in Whitechapel and surrounding areas and serves local Muslims and other local citizens well (Jameson 2009, Green and Silver 2009). The LMC itself binds together different sections of London Muslim communities, and stands as a key site of social, cultural and political organisation - an Islamically inspired form of political organisation which is occasionally portrayed as a threat by key commentators and policy makers. Not only does our research challenge this kind of analysis of Islamically inspired political organisation, it suggests that Muslim Londoners and their neighbours and allies will need to overcome mainstream as well as extremist bigotry before they can claim any kind of success. This is why we have set aside the next ten years to monitor and facilitate progress. For us, the method to counter Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate crime is clear: education. By creating an unimpeachable body of academic work, and by creating mechanisms to empower Muslim communities to put forward their positions now and in the future, we hope to help dispel the ignorance that has thus far fuelled the populist appeal of Islamophobia and the hate crimes it spawns, and challenge those individuals and organisations that seek to pursue agendas that demonise and alienate European Muslims. At its most basic, the European Muslim Research Centre (EMRC) will seek to engage these kinds of falsehoods, and seek to explore, teach and examine the nuances of Muslim contributions in the European context. As an interdisciplinary centre, such a focus will mean contributing to debates about the role of Muslims and Islam from the perspectives of politics, history, law, business studies/economics, sociology, anthropology, literature, English, cultural studies, theology and the sciences. In this way, we hope to take academically sound research and introduce it as a corrective to the current debates over the role of Muslims in contemporary European society. Finally, we have contributed in recent years to what has become a dense and over-populated field of study: radicalisation, counterradicalisation and de-radicalisation. Nearly 100% of this crossdisciplinary study is focused on Muslims and it has the tendency, both intentionally and unwittingly, to problematise Muslims and their faith. It is our hope that this report will encourage scholars to return to a wider view of the problem of political violence - one in which the 'radicalisation' of convicted members of a violent extremist nationalist milieu such as ex-British soldier Terence Gavan receive as much detailed scholarly attention as convicted British Muslims who lacked Gavan's sophisticated bomb making skills. Details: Exeter, UK: University of Exeter, European Muslim Research Centre, 2010. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 14, 2018 at: https://lemosandcrane.co.uk/resources/Islamophobia_and_Anti-Muslim_Hate_Crime.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://lemosandcrane.co.uk/resources/Islamophobia_and_Anti-Muslim_Hate_Crime.pdf Shelf Number: 117759 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesHuman Rights AbusesIslamophobiaMuslimsRadicalization |
Author: Rintels, Jonathan Title: Confronting the New Faces of Hate: Hate Crimes in America Summary: This report presents a picture of hate crime in America for recent years. It shows that hate crimes committed against Hispanics and those perceived to be immigrants has increased each of the past four years for which FBI data is avialable, and hate crimes committed against individuals because of their sexual orientation has increased to its highest level in five years. The report highlights the need for a coordinated response by every sector of society to eradicate this problem. Details: Washington, DC: Leadership Conference on Civil Rights Education Fund, 2009. 50p. Source: Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 116320 Keywords: Crime StatisticsHate Crimes |
Author: Sin, Chih Hoong Title: Disabled People's Experiences of Targeted Violence and Hostility Summary: This report draws on an extensive literature review, qualitative interviews with disabled people and stakeholder interviews to examine disabled people's experiences of targeted violence and hostility. The report examines the risk, prevalence and nature of targeted violence in the U.K. and hostility experienced by disabled people; the experiences of individuals; the impact on disabled people, family, carers and wider society, and issues of reporting, recording and redress. The wider policy implications are also outlined. Details: London: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2009. 155p. Source: Research Report; 21 Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 118294 Keywords: Developmentally DisabledDisabilityHate CrimesPolice AdministrationPolice ReformPolicing (Colombia)Policing TrainingViolence |
Author: Canadian Human Rights Commission Title: Freedom of Expression and Freedom from Hate in the Internet Age Summary: This report provides a comprehensive analysis of a current debate: what is the most effective way to prevent the harm caused by hate messages on the Internet, while respecting freedom of expression? Details: Ottawa: Minister of Public Works and Government, 2009. 58p. Source: Special Report to Parliament Year: 2009 Country: Canada URL: Shelf Number: 118364 Keywords: Drug TraffickingFreedom of ExpressionGun-Related ViolenceHate CrimesInternetOrganized CrimeViolence (Latin America)Violent Crime |
Author: Ontario. Hate Crimes Community Working Group Title: Addressing Hate Crime in Ontario: Final Report...to the Attorney General and the Minister of Community Safety and Correctional Services Summary: The Hate Crimes Community Working Group was appointed to advise the government on an overall strategy to address individual and community-based victimization and related issues arising from hate crime. The Working Group was also tasked with the responsibility of recommending ways to improve services for victims of hate crime and to prevent further victimization. The report recommends an overall strategy with measures to detect, reduce and redress hate crime, and to address more effectively the needs and interests of individuals and communiities that experience, or are vulnerable to, hate crime in Ontario. Details: Ottawa: Hate Crimes Community Working Group, 2006. 99p., app. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2006 Country: Canada URL: Shelf Number: 118349 Keywords: Hate Crimes |
Author: Stewart, Cam Title: Combating Hate and Bias Crime and Incidents in Alberta: Current Responses and Recommendation for the Future Summary: This report discusses the status of hate and bias crimes within Alberta, Canada. The report looks at the current demographic trends and strategies that are being used to respond to hate and bias crimes, and recommends that several ministries, including the Solicitor General, the Attorney General, the Human Rights and Citizenship Commission, and the Department of International Intergovernmental and Aboriginal Relations, form a strategic alliance to develop a provincial hate crime strategy. Details: Alberta, Canada: Alberta Hate and Bias Crime and Incidents Committee, 2007. 61p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2007 Country: Canada URL: Shelf Number: 118350 Keywords: BiasDiscriminationHate Crimes |
Author: Dustmann, Christian Title: Racial Harassment, Ethnic Concentration and Economic Conditions Summary: In this paper, we analyse the association between spatial concentration of ethnic minorities, and racial harassment. Ethnic concentration relates to racial harassment through at least three channels: hostility in attitudes of majority individuals that find expression in harassment behaviour, the probability of minority individuals meeting majority individuals, and the cost of expressing hostility aggressively. Harassment can thus not simply be modeled as a stronger form of hostility. Using unique data for Britain, we show that, in area of higher local ethnic concentration, experience of harassment is lower, even though hostility on the side of the majority population is not. Details: Bonn, Germany: Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), 2010. 32p. Source: Internet Resource; IZA Discussion Paper No. 4885: Accessed April 6, 2016 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp4885.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp4885.pdf Shelf Number: 119543 Keywords: Hate CrimesMinoritiesRacial Harassment (U.K.) |
Author: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Title: Hate Crimes in the OSCE Region - Incidents and Responses. Annual Report for 2008 Summary: The report highlights the fact that that although hate crimes remain a serious problem in the OSCE Region, there is a lack of adequate and reliable data. Nevertheless, it does provide an overview of developments in national legislation and projects launched to combat hate crimes in 2008. This publication includes separate sections on certain types of hate crimes and victim groups that are specifically mentioned in OSCE commitments. These include racist and xenophobic crimes, anti-Semitic crimes and crimes against Roma, Muslims, Christians and members of other religions. Crimes against other groups such as persons with disabilities and crimes against lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons are also addressed. Details: Warsaw, Poland: OSCE, 2009. 136p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 9, 2010 at: http://www.osce.org/publications/odihr/2009/11/41314_1424_en.pdf Year: 2009 Country: Europe URL: http://www.osce.org/publications/odihr/2009/11/41314_1424_en.pdf Shelf Number: 118252 Keywords: Hate Crimes |
Author: Wilcox, Aidan Title: Racially Motivated Offending and Targeted Interventions Summary: The aim of the research was to identify the prevalence of racially motivated offending among young people in England and Wales and to shed light on the response to racially motivated offending within the youth justice system. The research required a multi-method approach and this consisted of the following four strands: a literature review; an analysis of Themis (software used by YOTs and the YJB to record information about young people who offend) data; the distribution of a survey to all YOTs and secure establishments in England and Wales; and site visits to selected YOTs and secure establishments. A literature review was conducted to provide a theoretical basis for the research and this assisted in the development of the research instruments used – survey and interview schedules. The YJB provided the authors of the report with aggregate Themis data for the period from 2002/03 to 2006/07 for the 157 YOTs in England and Wales. This data was analysed and an assessment of trends and the prevalence of racially motivated offending was formulated. The data was complemented with more inclusive data sources, including the British Crime Survey. In order to establish the extent of provision for racially motivated offenders in the youth justice system, a survey was sent to all YOTs and secure establishments. To ensure that a high response rate was achieved, establishments were reminded frequently to return the survey. This persistent approach resulted in a 78.4% response rate. Responding YOTs were found to be representative of all YOTs in terms of geographical location and rural/urban mix. A purposive sample of responding establishments was then visited and interviews were conducted with practitioners to gain a deeper understanding of the different types of intervention in operation. Interviews were also conducted with the young people who had been subject to an intervention for racially motivated offenders, in order to explore the motivations for their offending and ascertain their views of the work they had undertaken during the intervention. In addition to interviewing practitioners and young people, notes of the resources used by each of the establishments were made. It had been hoped to conduct a limited amount of observation of practice, but this did not prove feasible. Twenty-one site visits were made between November 2007 and March 2008, and 38 practitioners and 17 young people were interviewed. Details: London: Youth Justice Board for England and Wales, 2010. 200p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 14, 2010 at: http://www.yjb.gov.uk/publications/Resources/Downloads/Racially%20Motivated%20Offending%20and%20Targeted%20Interventions.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.yjb.gov.uk/publications/Resources/Downloads/Racially%20Motivated%20Offending%20and%20Targeted%20Interventions.pdf Shelf Number: 119963 Keywords: Hate CrimesJuvenile OffendersRacially Motivated Crime |
Author: Falk, Armin Title: Unemployment and Right-Wing Extremist Crime Summary: Right-wing extremism is a serious problem in many societies. A prominent hypothesis states that unemployment plays a crucial role for the occurrence of right-wing extremist crime. In this paper we empirically test this hypothesis. We use a previously not used data set which includes all officially recorded right-wing criminal acts in Germany. These data are recorded by the German Federal Criminal Police Office on a monthly and state level basis. Our main finding is that there is in fact a significant positive relation between unemployment and rightwing criminal activities. We show further that the big difference in right-wing crime between East and West German states can mostly be attributed to differences in unemployment. This finding reinforces the importance of unemployment as an explanatory factor for right-wing crime and questions explanations based solely on the different socialization in former communist East Germany and the liberal West German states. Our data further allow us to separate violent from non-violent right-wing crimes. We show that unemployment is closely related to both types of crimes, but that the association with non-violent crimes is much stronger. Since right-wing crime is committed particularly by relatively young males, we also explore whether the youth unemployment rate is a better predictor for right-wing crime than total unemployment. This hypothesis can be rejected: given total unemployment, a higher share of youth unemployment does not affect right-wing extremist crime rates. Details: Bonn: Institute for the Study of Labor, 2005. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper No. 1540: Accessed October 21, 2010 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp1540.pdf Year: 2005 Country: Germany URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp1540.pdf Shelf Number: 120038 Keywords: Hate CrimesRight-Wing ExtremismUnemployment |
Author: Nath, Dipika Title: Fear for Life: Violence Against Gay Men and Men Perceived as Gay in Senegal Summary: Violence against people on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender expression escalated in Senegal starting in early 2008. Men who identify as or are perceived to be gay have become targets of popular vengeance and arbitrary arrests. Abuses have included police beatings and arbitrary detention; physical threat, assault, and verbal abuse by private individuals; and blackmail, extortion, and robbery. Although recent panics over homosexuality cast it as a new and foreign phenomenon in Senegal, all anecdotal and documentary evidence suggests that same-sex relations between men as well as women have long existed in Senegalese society, even if the terms have changed over time. What is new is the manipulation of anti-gay sentiment by some Senegalese political and religious leaders, which has fed an upsurge in private actor violence. Some religious leaders and Senegalese media have contributed to the upsurge by giving prominent coverage to the hate-mongering and offering virtually no counter-narrative. Fear for Life helps fill that gap, revealing the impact of violence on individual lives and examining some of the underlying causes of the current intolerance. The report looks in detail at two key incidents—the “gay marriage” scandal of February 2008 and the arrest of the “nine homosexuals of Mbao” in December 2008—and examines several other cases that show the climate of fear and suspicion in which these attacks take place. It concludes with a call to Senegalese authorities to uphold the fundamental rights of all persons, end impunity for perpetrators of attacks, and promote a culture of tolerance. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2010. 95p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 3, 2010 at: http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2010/11/30/fear-life-0 Year: 2010 Country: Senegal URL: http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2010/11/30/fear-life-0 Shelf Number: 120366 Keywords: Hate CrimesHomosexualityMoral Panic |
Author: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Title: Police and Roma and Sinti: Good Practices in Building Trust and Understanding Summary: The relation between the police and Roma and Sinti communities is crucial in many ways. Roma and Sinti are often targets of racially motivated discrimination and violence. They need to be able to fully rely on the police for protection against – and the full investigation of – hate-motivated crimes. At the same time, the police face the challenge of effectively policing Roma and Sinti communities that often view such efforts with suspicion and mistrust, fed by a long history of abuse and discrimination at the hands of various state authorities. In the 2003 OSCE Action Plan on Improving the Situation of Roma and Sinti within the OSCE Area, participating States recognized the importance of good relations between the police and Roma and Sinti communities for the overall goal of combating discrimination and racial violence, and for ensuring that Roma and Sinti people are able to play a full and equal part in society. Participating States committed themselves to a number of measures aimed at closing the gap between international standards on police and existing national practices. Seven years after the adoption of the Action Plan, a number of initiatives of good practice have been developed regarding policing and Roma and Sinti. At the same time, much remains to be done to fully implement the commitments contained in the Action Plan. Sadly, cases of police misconduct and tensions between law enforcement agencies and Roma and Sinti communities continue to be widely reported from many participating States. This publication aims to assist participating States in implementing their commitments under the Action Plan by identifying principles and good practices that can be used in efforts to improve relations between the police and Roma and Sinti communities. Better co-operation and increased trust in relations with the police can lead to more effective policing and in turn improved security for Roma and Sinti communities. In addition, the police are also poised to benefit from better relations. Details: Vienna: OSCE, 2010. 143p. Source: Internet Resource: SPMU Publication Series Vol. 9: Accessed December 3, 2010 at: http://www.osce.org/publications/odihr/2010/04/43671_1452_en.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Europe URL: http://www.osce.org/publications/odihr/2010/04/43671_1452_en.pdf Shelf Number: 120381 Keywords: Ethnic GroupsGypsiesHate CrimesPolice TrainingPolice-Community RelationsRacial Profiling |
Author: FRA - European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights Title: Experience of Discrimination, Social Marginalisation and Violence: A Comparative Study of Muslim and Non-Muslim Youth in Three EU Member States Summary: Social marginalisation has drastic negative consequences for any society. Marginalisation of children has even more dire effects – both for the present and in the future. Stereotypical presumptions about people, coupled with prejudiced views concerning specific religions and their followers, are dangerous with respect to the impact that these negative stereotypes can have on progress towards community cohesion and social integration. While many people in the EU have concerns about certain religions and their followers’ possible support for, or engagement in, violence, it is essential that these stereotypes are confronted with evidence looking at the attitudes and experiences of these groups through the lens of social marginalisation and negative stereotyping. This report is about young people – those from the majority population and those who have identified themselves as Muslims. It sets out to establish facts as to their attitudes on a range of issues and experiences of everyday life in three Member States. The data reported here can be read as proxy indicators that are useful in the development of specific policies relating to non-discrimination and social integration of young people in general – both Muslims and non-Muslims. By researching and analysing experiences of discrimination, social marginalisation and violence in three European Union Member States – France, Spain and the United Kingdom – the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights has been able to show that children between the ages of 12 and 18 (young people) who have experienced social marginalisation and discrimination are highly likely to be more disposed to physical or emotional violence in comparison with those not experiencing marginalisation. Moreover, when aspects other than social marginalisation and discrimination have been accounted for, there are no indications that Muslim youth are either more or less likely to resort to violence than non-Muslims. This strongly suggests that social marginalisation and discrimination needs to be addressed, as a priority, with respect to its impact on young people’s support for violence. The research – even though limited in scope – shows that the overwhelming majority of Muslim youth have a very similar world view to that of their non-Muslim peers: that is, their concerns include the state of the world and major social issues. At the same time, given their exposure to discrimination, Muslim youth are more sensitive to issues of religious (in)tolerance and cultural identity, which resonate more with their personal experiences. Successful integration between people of different ethnicity or religions hinges upon a clear understanding and application of fundamental rights; such as the right to non-discrimination. Such an approach is crucial in, for example, school policies, through to local and national educational and social strategies. Details: Vienna: FRA, 2010. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed February 22, 2011 at: http://www.fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/attachments/Pub-racism-marginalisation_en.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Europe URL: http://www.fra.europa.eu/fraWebsite/attachments/Pub-racism-marginalisation_en.pdf Shelf Number: 120846 Keywords: Discrimination (Europe)Hate CrimesMuslimsRace/Ethnicity |
Author: National Coalition for the Homeless Title: Hate Crimes Against The Homeless: America’s Growing Tide of Violence Summary: Hate Crimes Against the Homeless: America’s Growing Tide of Violence is a shocking report on the growth of biased motivated crimes of hate against America’s homeless. The National Coalition for the Homeless’ report marks the beginning of its second decade tracking, interviewing and classifying thousands of individuals impacted by hate crimes against the homeless. This years’ report has the horrifying distinction of being the deadliest in a decade, at forty-three reported homicides. The research contained in this report chronicles more than a thousand separate attacks across the United States, representing a fraction of the total hate crimes that remain drastically underreported. Individuals who commit homeless hate crimes are motivated primarily by a bias that another individual is or may be homeless. Perpetrators often give account to feelings of hostility and animosity, towards the visibly homeless, so strong they demand action. While others describe a generalized hatred, passed down from one generation to the next, resulting in a growing wave of violence across America. Documented hate crimes in this report involve: dosing with gasoline and setting aflame; rape in exchange for shelter; spay painting and stomping upon while sleeping; and, repeated incidence of gang initiations involving stabbings and beatings. Un-housed individuals, as a target of hate, have consistently grown over the past decade. This year’s report draws an especially gruesome and disturbing trend in the frequency and manner of the offenses. Violent, often fatal, attacks on homeless Americans now outnumber all other categories of hate crimes combined. Details: Washington, DC: National Coalition for the Homeless, 2010. 87p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed April 18, 2011 at: http://www.housingworks.org/i/blog/NCH_Hate_Crimes_Against_the_Homeless_Report_2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.housingworks.org/i/blog/NCH_Hate_Crimes_Against_the_Homeless_Report_2010.pdf Shelf Number: 121374 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesHomelessnessViolent Crime |
Author: European Roma Rights Centre Title: Imperfect Justice: Anti-Roma Violence and Impunity Summary: In the present study the ERRC monitored the State response in 44 of the most violent anti-Roma attacks reported to police in the Czech Republic (14 cases), Hungary (22 cases) and Slovakia (8 cases). The individual cases presented in this study were defined on the basis of initial reporting on an incident by media and NGO sources. During ERRC follow-up with police, prosecutors and courts, information indicating multiple perpetrators or in some cases even possibly multiple incidents came to light. This information is included in the description of individual case follow-up to the extent possible. In the first phase available information about cases was collected, mostly from media and NGO partners. In the second phase, the ERRC sent a series of requests for information to responsible police departments, prosecutors and courts. The ERRC sought anonymised information related to the status and results of the police investigation, charges brought, sanction of perpetrators and the treatment of racial motive in the investigation and prosecution of the acts. The ERRC attempted to update all cases as this report was being finalised but there may be recent developments not reported in some. The information presented in this study represents the results of the investigation and prosecution of crimes against Roma: it does not aim to assess the quality of these actions as such. A number of shortcomings in the State response to violence against Roma are apparent. Details: Budapest, Hungary: European Roma Rights Centre, 2011. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 26, 2011 at: http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/file/czech-hungary-slovakia-imperfect-justice-06-march-2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Europe URL: http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/file/czech-hungary-slovakia-imperfect-justice-06-march-2011.pdf Shelf Number: 121503 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesGypsiesHate CrimesMinority GroupsRacial Discrimination |
Author: von Holdt, Karl Title: The Smoke that Calls: Insurgent Citizenship, Collective Violence and the Struggle for a Place in the New South Africa: Eight Case Studies of Community Protest and Xenophobic Violence Summary: There are several innovations to the research projects captured in this report. Firstly, it consists of studies of both xenophobic violence and community protests, drawing the links both empirically as one of collective action spawns or mutates into another, and theoretically through the concept of insurgent citizenship (Holston, 2008). Secondly, the research was conceived of, and conducted, through a collaboration between an NGO, The Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) and an academic research institute, the Society Work and Development Institute (SWOP) at University of the Witwatersrand. This brought together scholars and practitioners, psychologists and sociologists, in a challenging and productive partnership to try to understand collective violence and its underlying social dynamics. Thirdly, it combines an attempt to probe and understand the repertoires and meanings of collective violence with a wide-ranging analysis of local associational life, local politics and class formation. The origins of this research lay in the appalling violence of the wave of xenophobic attacks which swept across the country in May 2008, and the response of both organisations to this. CSVR was rapidly drawn into coordinating the relief work of NGOs across Gauteng, while in SWOP there was a sense that this violence connected to current research on strike violence and social precariousness. For both of our organisations, it seemed increasingly important to look at this outbreak of violence with a fresh eye for ways in which it challenged our understanding of the depths of anger, fragmentation, exclusion and violence in our society and, more specifically, the intervention practices which still drew much of their inspiration from the negotiated transition to democracy in South Africa. Ready assumptions about violence as pathological or criminal, about ‘lost generations’, about ‘community organisations’ and ‘civil society’, conflict mediation and educational workshops, needed to be tested with empirical research and new theoretical perspectives. Details: Johannesburg, South Africa: Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, 2011. 142p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 3, 2011 at: http://www.csvr.org.za/docs/thesmokethatcalls.pdf Year: 2011 Country: South Africa URL: http://www.csvr.org.za/docs/thesmokethatcalls.pdf Shelf Number: 122645 Keywords: Collective Violence (South Africa)Community ProtestsHate Crimes |
Author: Social Market Research (U.K.) Title: Views and Experiences of People with Learning Disability in Relation to Policing Arrangements in Northern Ireland Summary: This report aimed at helping to promote the rights of one of the most vulnerable groups in local society - people with learning disabilities. The report is the outcome of a major research project co-funded by the Police Ombudsman’s Office and the Policing Board into the issues faced by people with learning disabilities when dealing with the police and policing organisations. Almost 300 people with learning disabilities, along with key workers and organisations in the learning disability sector, and representatives of the police, policing organisations and criminal justice bodies were consulted during the project. The study found that people with learning disabilities had largely positive views and experiences of the police. But it also found that many instances of bullying and harassment of people with learning disabilities were likely to go unreported because the victims did not realise that they had been a victim of crime, or were unwilling to report it. The report makes a total of 24 recommendations to help ensure that the police and policing organisations respond appropriately to the needs of people with learning disabilities, and also to help combat disability hate crime. Details: Belfast: Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland and Northern Ireland Policing Board, 2011. 251p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 23, 2011 at: http://www.nipolicingboard.org.uk/learning_disability_research_final_report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.nipolicingboard.org.uk/learning_disability_research_final_report.pdf Shelf Number: 123447 Keywords: Hate CrimesLearning Disabilities (Northern Ireland)Policing |
Author: Moumneh, Rasha Title: “They Hunt Us Down for Fun”: Discrimination and Police Violence Against Transgender Women in Kuwait Summary: In 2007 the Kuwaiti parliament outlawed “imitating the opposite sex”, paving the way for police to arbitrarily detain, torture, and sexually harass and abuse transgender women in Kuwait with impunity. Despite a formal state recognition of Gender Identity Disorder, arrests of transgender women continue unabated. The police often take advantage of the law to blackmail transgender women for sex, and redress for police abuse is difficult, if not impossible, for fear of reprisal and re-arrest. The law does not criminalize any specific act or behavior, but rather an appearance whose interpretation is left entirely up to the whims of the police, giving them free reign to decide who is breaking the law and how it is broken. This report documents the abuse, violence, and persecution faced by transgender women at the hands of the police as well as the discrimination they face on a daily basis as a result of this law. Details: New York: Human Rights Watch, 2012. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 17, 2012 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/kuwait0112ForUpload.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Kuwait URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/kuwait0112ForUpload.pdf Shelf Number: 123645 Keywords: Bias CrimesHate CrimesPolice Use of ForceSexual AbuseSexual AssaultSexual HarassmentSexual ViolenceTransgenderViolence Against Women (Kuwait) |
Author: Great Britain. Equality and Human Rights Commission Title: How Fair is Britain? Equality, Human Rights and Good Relations in 2010. The First Triennial Review Summary: Britain is a country where we despise prejudice, embrace equality and believe in the fundamental right of the individual to make the most of his or her talents in a free society. We are increasingly at ease with diversity of all kinds, and intolerant of discrimination of any kind. Yet all too many of us remain trapped by the accident of our births, our destinies far too likely to be determined by our sex or race; our opportunities far too often conditioned by the fact that our age, or disability, our sexual preferences, or deeply held religion or belief make us lesser beings in the eyes of others. And far too many of us are still born into families without the material or social capital to give us the right start in life. In short, we twenty-first century Britons are a largely fair-minded people. But we are not yet a fair society. And we know that no individual can be truly free to realise their potential, or to exercise their inalienable human rights as long as they are imprisoned by the invisible, many-stranded web of prejudice, inertia and unfairness that holds so many back. This Review of our society’s progress in equality, human rights and good relations is the first comprehensive picture of its kind, enumerating the gaps between our ambitions for fairness and the actuality. There is much here that should make us hopeful; many of the old biases are, if not vanquished, on their way out. But there is also a great deal still to be done; and there are new challenges emerging. The Review is not a prescription for change. But it does aim to do three things. First, to amass objective evidence that will help us to decide where best to focus our resources and energies as a society, particularly at a time when we need to husband both carefully. Second, to provide a transparent, non-partisan account of where we stand now so we can judge whether decisions taken now might reduce fairness in the future. The Review’s findings provide benchmarks against which we can measure the impact of our actions, whether as members of public, private or voluntary bodies, or sometimes just as citizens. And finally, the picture here will, we hope, provide the basis for further debate and concerted action to decrease inequality, and increase fairness throughout our society. Details: London: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2010. 751p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 19, 2012 at: http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/triennial_review/how_fair_is_britain_-_complete_report.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/how_fair_is_britain_-_complete_report.pdf Shelf Number: 123670 Keywords: BiasDiscriminationHate CrimesHuman Rights (U.K.) |
Author: Oakley, Robin Title: Are you saying I'm Racist? An evaluation of work to tackle racist violence in three areas of London Summary: Racist violence continues to be a serious problem in Britain. In 2010/11 more than 51,187 racist incidents were recorded by the police in England & Wales, of which 9,464 (18%) occurred in London and the British Crime Survey estimates that the actual number of such incidents is around 200,000 annually. A recent study by the Institute of Race Relations indicates that more than 90% of perpetrators are white, 85% are male, and 60% are perpetrated by children or young adults under 25. The emergence of the English Defence League, and signs that inter-ethnic violence between minority groups may be increasing, both underline that this is an issue that continues to need to be addressed, especially through work with young people. Current approaches, however, do not seem to be proving effective. Focusing on tackling the problem primarily through responding to incidents once they have occurred is too limited an approach. ‘Zero tolerance’ as a response to racism in work with young people (e.g. by teachers excluding pupils for such behaviour from school) fails to address the underlying causes of their attitudes and behaviour. There is little reason to believe that reactive and repressive responses will bring about the necessary change: a more proactive response that draws out the problem and confronts it with the aim of prevention is needed. Three projects in London have been developing ways of working with young people to prevent them becoming involved in racist violence. The Trust for London initiated and funded this initiative after research had shown that, although young people tend to be the main perpetrators, there was little preventive work being targeted directly at those at risk of such involvement. The projects developed a variety of innovative approaches, engaging mainly with groups of young people in neighbourhoods and schools. Most of the young people the projects worked with were white, but some were black or from other minority ethnic groups. Some were linked with gangs, but most were not, and the project workers found that racist attitudes were widely held among young people in their areas, and that being ‘at risk’ of involvement in racist violence was widespread rather affecting only a special few. Their experience shows that face-to-face work with young people at the local level by skilled practitioners can have a significant impact on racist attitudes and behaviour, thus reducing ethnic tensions and promoting integration among young people with different backgrounds and identities. There is an urgent need, however, to integrate the lessons from this initiative into mainstream policy around youth and community issues, and also into the core training and everyday practice of youth and community workers and staff in schools. Details: London: Trust for London, 2011. 90p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 21, 2012 at http://www.trustforlondon.org.uk/PVR_Full%20Report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.trustforlondon.org.uk/PVR_Full%20Report.pdf Shelf Number: 123715 Keywords: Hate CrimesJuvenilesRacist Crimes (United Kingdom)Violence |
Author: Anti-Defamation League Title: The Aryan Circle: Crime in the Name of Hate Summary: The Aryan Circle is a large, growing and dangerous white supremacist prison gang based primarily in Texas, though it has a presence in a number of other states. It is active both in prisons and on the streets. It is an extreme and violent group, with a long track record of murder, including the deaths of two police officers in Bastrop, Louisiana, in 2007. The Aryan Circle is an organized crime group; its white supremacy often takes a backseat to traditional criminal motives. However, it uses its white supremacy as a bond to cement the loyalty of individual members to the group, creating an extended Aryan crime "family." It originated in the Texas prison system in the mid-1980s. For many years it was a small group, but by 2009 it has become the second largest white supremacist gang in the Texas prison system. The Aryan Circle has four distinct segments: its Texas prison population, its federal prison population, its out-of-state prison population, and its "street" or "free world" population. The total number of Circle members is probably over 1,400, making it one of the largest white supremacist groups in the United States. Perhaps the most disturbing trend is the rapid growth in its "free world" membership, which has resulted in an epidemic of criminal activity across Texas and beyond. The Aryan Circle is headed by an elected president and run by senior members comprising an Upper Board who control the four segments mentioned above. Each segment has hierarchies that comprise a Middle Board as well as officers such as majors, captains/district captains, and lesser ranks. After several years of divided leadership, Billy "Thumper" Haynes was elected the Circle's new president in 2008. However, dissatisfaction with this choice led to in-fighting and dissent. After Haynes was arrested for alleged murder in late 2008, Greg "Droopy" Freeman replaced him, but internal dissent continues. The Aryan Circle recruits in the prisons and on the streets. Recruits or "prospects" must undergo a lengthy apprentice period in which their background is checked and they are indoctrinated into the rules and beliefs of the Circle. Only after many months are they allowed full Circle membership. Aryan Circle members tend to come from lower socioeconomic backgrounds and their criminal activity often supplements a blue collar or service industry paycheck. Many Aryan Circle members work in the oil industry in Texas. The Aryan Circle is somewhat unusual among racist prison gangs in that women can and do become full-fledged members. The Circle has a significant female component that takes part in all Circle activities—administrative, social, and criminal. Some women have achieved positions of considerable importance and responsibility within the Circle, but sexism prevents them from rising to the highest ranks. By the late 1990s, the Aryan Circle developed a significant presence in the free world across Texas and beyond. This has increased the group's criminal opportunities and ability to recruit. The Circle expects released prisoners to report to their "free world" district captain and continue their association with the group. The original "homegrown" white supremacy of the Aryan Circle has become more sophisticated, closer to that of "traditional" white supremacists such as neo-Nazi and Klan groups. However, many Circle members still have only a crude understanding of white supremacist ideology. The Circle uses its white supremacy to increase solidarity within its ranks, consciously trying to create the atmosphere of an extended Aryan family or clan to which all are unbendingly loyal. The Aryan Circle has few relationships with "traditional" white supremacist groups. Its relations with other prison gangs, such as the Aryan Brotherhood of Texas or the White Knights, are more often violent than not; the Aryan Circle has been involved in a number of violent prison gang wars. The Aryan Circle not only deals drugs; many of its members abuse drugs, especially methamphetamine, which has caused serious problems for the group and its members. Efforts by Circle leaders in the past to combat drug use by members have failed. A new effort started in 2008 that creating a "Chemical Free" program, complete with distinctive tattoo, faces serious hurdles. Much of the Aryan Circle's criminal activities are profit-driven. Inside prisons, Circle members engage in protection rackets and other schemes, but the smuggling of contraband (particularly illegal drugs and tobacco) is the most important endeavor. Outside prison walls, Circle members engage in a wide variety of activities, of which illegal drugs (especially methamphetamine) are the most important, followed by a variety of theft and robbery rings.Organized violence is also a feature of Aryan Circle activity. Behind prison walls, Aryan Circle members engage in violence against rival gangs, while inside and outside of prisons, the Circle has killed or attempted to kill a number of suspected informants or other people perceived to be "weak links," in order to protect the group. In and out of prisons, Aryan Circle members have committed a variety of violent acts against African-Americans, Hispanics, homosexuals and transgender people, and others. Though their main motivations are those of an organized crime group, they live up to the hatred implicit in their white supremacist beliefs as well. Details: New York: Anti-Defamation League, 2009. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 18, 2012 at http://www.adl.org/extremism/Aryan-Circle-Report.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.adl.org/extremism/Aryan-Circle-Report.pdf Shelf Number: 124169 Keywords: Bias CrimeGangsHate CrimesOrganized Crime |
Author: Smith, Kevin (ed.) Title: Hate Crime, Cyber Security and the Experience of Crime among Children: Findings from the 2010/11 British Crime Survey: Supplementary Volume 3 to Crime in England and Wales 2010/11 Summary: This bulletin covers three topic areas. These are: The extent of and perceptions towards hate crime -- This chapter contains analysis of figures from the 2009/10 and 2010/11 British Crime Surveys, including extent and reporting of hate crime, its effects on victims and victim satisfaction with the police. It also looks at a range of public perception measures relating to hate crime. Questions were asked of adults aged 16 or over in England and Wales. Use of the internet and cyber security -- This chapter contains information from the 2010/11 British Crime Survey on levels of internet use, concerns people may have about using the internet, and any measures taken to protect personal details when using the internet. Variations by age and sex are highlighted throughout the chapter. Questions were asked of adults aged 16 or over in England and Wales. Experimental statistics on the experience of crime among children aged 10 to 15 -- This chapter is based on data collected from 10 to 15 year olds who took part in the 2010/11 British Crime Survey. Questions were asked of children in England and Wales who had experienced a crime about the circumstances of the incident, any details on the offender(s) and their views of the incident. Experimental statistics is a designation for statistics still in a development phase. Details: London: Home Office, 2012. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Home Office Statistical Bulletin: Accessed March 29, 2012 at: http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/science-research-statistics/research-statistics/crime-research/hosb0612/hosb0612?view=Binary Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/science-research-statistics/research-statistics/crime-research/hosb0612/hosb0612?view=Binary Shelf Number: 124757 Keywords: Children, Crimes AgainstCrime Statistics (U.K.)CybercrimesHate CrimesInternet Crimes |
Author: Athwal, Harmit, Bourne, Jenny Title: Racial Violence: The Buried Issue Summary: For most politicians raw, crude racism is over. The Macpherson report, it is said, dealt with it. Our research shows the hideous fact that since Stephen Lawrence’s death in April 1993, eighty-nine people have lost their lives to racial violence – an average of five per year. And this is just the worst aspect of a huge problem which has, far from going away, increased its impact in new areas across the UK. Whilst the main parties are in denial about the extent and severity of racial violence and popular racism (unless it manifests itself in lost votes to the British National Party) their racist domestic and foreign policies and the terms of the race debate – that immigration is indeed a problem, that British jobs are for British workers – are helping to fuel the misinformation and disaffection that can lead to such violence. The first part of this report analyses murders with a racial element since Stephen Lawrence’s – from the attack on the street to the convictions of assailants in the courts. The second part, analyses data on 660 cases of racial violence collated for 2009. In the appendices, Lee Bridges examines official statistics on racial violence and A. Sivanandan is interviewed about Islamophobia and anti-Muslim racism. Details: London: Institute of Race Relations, 2010. 25p. Source: Internet Resource: IRR Briefing Paper No. 6: Accessed April 6, 2012 at: http://www.irr.org.uk/pdf2/IRR_Briefing_No.6.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.irr.org.uk/pdf2/IRR_Briefing_No.6.pdf Shelf Number: 124886 Keywords: Bias CrimesHate CrimesRacial Violence (U.K.)Racism |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Choice and Prejudice: Discrimination Against Muslims in Europe Summary: muslims across europe belong to many different ethnic groups and follow diverse cultural, religious or traditional practices. they are discriminated against for different reasons, including their religion or belief, ethnicity and gender. this report highlights discrimination on the grounds of religion or belief and illustrates some of its consequences. restrictive dress-code policies and legislation are enforced in, for example, Belgium, France, the netherlands, spain and switzerland. muslims, and especially muslim women, who express their cultural or religious background by wearing specific forms of dress or symbols have been denied employment or excluded from classrooms. some political parties and authorities also oppose the establishment of muslim places of worship, a component of the right to freedom of religion. in switzerland, for example, the major political party successfully campaigned to ban the building of minarets. some anti-discrimination legislation exists in europe. amnesty international calls on the authorities to enforce it at both european and national levels. governments should not introduce general bans on religious and cultural symbols and dress, and should end the practice of restricting the right of muslims to establish places of worship. Details: London: Amnesty International Publications, 2012. 123p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 6, 2012 at http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR01/001/2012/en/85bd6054-5273-4765-9385-59e58078678e/eur010012012en.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Europe URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR01/001/2012/en/85bd6054-5273-4765-9385-59e58078678e/eur010012012en.pdf Shelf Number: 125165 Keywords: Discrimination (Europe)Hate CrimesMuslimsRace/Ethnicity |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Violent Attacks Against Roma in Hungary: Time to Investigate Racial Motivation Summary: Violent attacks against Roma, commonly believed to be racially motivated, are on the rise and have not been adequately investigated by the authorities. Over a period of 18 months in Hungary, between January 2008 and August 2009, six Romani men, women and children were killed in a series of similar attacks in different parts of Hungary. Four men were arrested soon after the last killing. However, in the same period, local NGOs recorded over 40 separate attacks on members of the Romani community in Hungary. At the same time, discriminatory attitudes towards Roma have been increasingly accepted in public discourse in Hungary since 2006. Abusive terms, initially used by far-right political groups, are now accepted in the mainstream media. The report presents first-hand accounts from victims of these violent attacks that many in the community believe are motivated by racial prejudice. It highlights the Hungarian authorities’ shortcomings in the investigation and prosecution of attacks against Roma and calls on them to ensure that members of the Romani community, as well as members of other groups, are protected from violence. It also recommends that the authorities improve the investigation and reporting of racially motivated crimes and ensure that their victims receive adequate support. Details: London: Amnesty International, 2010. 47p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 8, 2012 at http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR27/001/2010/en/7ee79730-e23f-4f20-834a-deb8deb23464/eur270012010en.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Hungary URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR27/001/2010/en/7ee79730-e23f-4f20-834a-deb8deb23464/eur270012010en.pdf Shelf Number: 125217 Keywords: Hate CrimesMinoritiesRace/EthnicityRomaniesViolent Crime |
Author: Fekete, Liz Title: Pedlars of hate: the violent impact of the European far Right Summary: his report brings together over one hundred cases from the beginning of 2010 until April 2012. Many aspects of far-right violence are discussed – from online death threats to arson and murder. While some of the cases suggest that small underground groups are stockpiling weapons and preparing for ‘race war’, with the organisations and individuals attempting to articulate how serious the situation is, now at serious risk themselves from the far Right, it would be wrong to see the situation in terms of one single and coherent far-right movement taking root across Europe. On the contrary, each far-right movement builds on its country’s particular extremist tradition. Details: London: The Institute for Race Relations, 2012. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 20, 2012 at http://www.irr.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/PedlarsofHate.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Europe URL: http://www.irr.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/PedlarsofHate.pdf Shelf Number: 125384 Keywords: Extremist GroupsHate CrimesRadical GroupsViolent Extremism |
Author: Southern Poverty Law Center Title: The Second Wave: Return of the Militias Summary: The 1990s saw the rise and fall of the virulently antigovernment "Patriot" movement, made up of paramilitary militias, tax defiers and so-called "sovereign citizens." Sparked by a combination of anger at the federal government and the deaths of political dissenters at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, and Waco, Texas, the movement took off in the middle of the decade and continued to grow even after 168 people were left dead by the 1995 bombing of Oklahoma City's federal building — an attack, the deadliest ever by domestic U.S. terrorists, carried out by men steeped in the rhetoric and conspiracy theories of the militias. In the years that followed, a truly remarkable number of criminal plots came out of the movement. But by early this century, the Patriots had largely faded, weakened by systematic prosecutions, aversion to growing violence, and a new, highly conservative president. They're back. Almost a decade after largely disappearing from public view, right-wing militias, ideologically driven tax defiers and sovereign citizens are appearing in large numbers around the country. "Paper terrorism" — the use of property liens and citizens' "courts" to harass enemies — is on the rise. And once-popular militia conspiracy theories are making the rounds again, this time accompanied by nativist theories about secret Mexican plans to "reconquer" the American Southwest. One law enforcement agency has found 50 new militia training groups — one of them made up of present and former police officers and soldiers. Authorities around the country are reporting a worrying uptick in Patriot activities and propaganda. "This is the most significant growth we've seen in 10 to 12 years," says one. "All it's lacking is a spark. I think it's only a matter of time before you see threats and violence." A key difference this time is that the federal government — the entity that almost the entire radical right views as its primary enemy — is headed by a black man. That, coupled with high levels of non-white immigration and a decline in the percentage of whites overall in America, has helped to racialize the Patriot movement, which in the past was not primarily motivated by race hate. One result has been a remarkable rash of domestic terror incidents since the presidential campaign, most of them related to anger over the election of Barack Obama. At the same time, ostensibly mainstream politicians and media pundits have helped to spread Patriot and related propaganda, from conspiracy theories about a secret network of U.S. concentration camps to wholly unsubstantiated claims about the president's country of birth. Details: Montgomery, AL: Southern Poverty Law Center, 2009. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2012 at: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/downloads/The_Second_Wave.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/downloads/The_Second_Wave.pdf Shelf Number: 116189 Keywords: Hate CrimesHomegrown TerroristsMilitias (U.S.)Radical Groups |
Author: Guasp, April Title: The School Report: The Experiences of Gay Young People in Britain's Schools in 2012 Summary: Key findings: Homophobic bullying continues to be widespread in Britain’s schools. More than half (55 per cent) of lesbian, gay and bisexual pupils have experienced direct bullying The use of homophobic language is endemic. Almost all (99 per cent) gay young people hear the phrases ‘that’s so gay’ or ‘you’re so gay’ in school and ninety six per cent of gay pupils hear homophobic language such as ‘poof’ or ‘lezza’ Three in five gay pupils who experience homophobic bullying say that teachers who witness the bullying never intervene Only half of gay pupils report that their schools say homophobic bullying is wrong, even fewer do in faith schools (37 per cent) Homophobic bullying has a profoundly damaging impact on young people’s school experience. One in three (32 per cent) gay pupils experiencing bullying change their future educational plans because of it and three in five say it impacts directly on their school work Gay people who are bullied are at a higher risk of suicide, self-harm and depression. Two in five (41 per cent) have attempted or thought about taking their own life directly because of bullying and the same number say that they deliberately self-harm directly because of bullying Details: London: Stonewall, 2012. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 20, 2012 at: http://www.stonewall.org.uk/at_school/education_resources/7957.asp Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.stonewall.org.uk/at_school/education_resources/7957.asp Shelf Number: 125705 Keywords: Bias Motivated CrimeGays, Crimes AgainstGender IdentityHate CrimesHomophobiaSchool BullyingSchool CrimeSchool Safety |
Author: Bolognani, Marta Title: A "Community Criminology". Perceptions of Crime and Social Control Amongst Bradford Pakistanis Summary: Despite the undeniable significance of the `race and crime' stream in criminology, knowledge held by minority ethnic groups on these matters is still much overlooked. It is this gap in the literature that this thesis begins to fill, based on both fieldwork and documentary research. The case-study through which the importance of minority ethnic views is investigated is a Bradford Pakistani one. The neglect by academic criminological accounts of a systematic analysis of minorities' views, and their cultural specificities, may be imputed in part to the fear of pathologisation. On the other hand, many media accounts seem to look at alleged `dysfunctionalities' of certain groups. After September 11th 2001 and July 7th 2005, Muslim communities seem particularly susceptible to negative stereotyping. The research looks at `cultural agency', avoiding ill-fitted generalisation and stereotypes based on an imposed essentialisation of the Bradford Pakistani community. This thesis analyses Bradford Pakistanis' perceptions of crime and its production, construction, sanctioning and prevention, through an `emic' approach. Thus, emic units are discovered by the analyst in the specific reality of a study and the social actors, rather than created by her/him a priori, or by imposing universal categories created for other settings. Through collecting perceptions around crime ethnographically, the research revealed that Bradford Pakistanis' perceptions of crime and control are a combination of the formal and informal, or British and `traditional' Pakistani, that are no longer separable in the diasporic context. The emic of cultural agency can be said to legitimise the term community criminology, but not in the sense that Bradford Pakistanis possess exclusive and monolithic criminological discourses, labelling, preventive strategies and rehabilitation practices. Rather, they engage with mainstream criminological and policy discourses in a way that might well be considered a kind of reflection representative of the position of their diaspora: community for them does not only include their traditional structures but all the intracommunal and intercommunal relations that are meaningful to them, both as resources and constraints. Details: Leeds, UK: University of Leeds, 2006. 317p. Source: Dissertation Available at the Gottfredson Library of Criminal Justice Year: 2006 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 125717 Keywords: BiasHate CrimesMinority GroupsMuslimsPakistanisSocial Control Theory (U.K.) |
Author: American Prosecutor's Research Institute Title: A Local Prosecutor's Guide for Responding to Hate Crimes Summary: The United States has long been a “melting pot” society, to which people of different ethnic groups and races, from many diverse cultures and countries, have come. They and their children have become Americans, to form this unique and unified nation. Yet throughout our history these distinctions have fostered bias, prejudice, and hatred by some people— manifested in the form of harassment, intimidation, and bias-motivated crimes. Bias- or hate-motivated incidents and crimes can have a serious impact not only on the victim but also on those who share his or her characteristics because they have been singled out as a result of inherent characteristics and robbed of self-esteem. The deep psychological impact of hate crimes causes terror among victims and victimized groups, distrust of the criminal justice system and its ability to protect against hate crimes, and the potential for retaliatory crimes against the offender or the group the offender represents. Criminologically, hate crimes are regarded by some as a more severe offense than non bias-motivated offenses. Compared to other crimes in general, bias-motivated crimes are more likely to: • Be directed against persons as opposed to property; • Involve injury to victims; • Involve multiple offenders; • Involve serial victimizations; and • Go unsolved. For these reasons, hate crimes must be addressed in a manner that takes into account the seriousness of the offenses and their impact on victims/victimized groups and that serves to stop biased attitudes and beliefs from escalating into crimes. Details: Alexandria, VA: APRI, 2003. 59p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 27, 2012 at: http://www.ndaa.org/pdf/hate_crimes.pdf Year: 2003 Country: United States URL: http://www.ndaa.org/pdf/hate_crimes.pdf Shelf Number: 126474 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesProsecutionProsecutors |
Author: Cavanagh, Ben Title: Religiously Aggravated Offending in Scotland 2011-12 Summary: There has been an increase in the number of recorded religious aggravation charges in 2011-12 compared with previous years. For this report, 876 charges with a religious aggravation reported in 2011-12 were analysed, compared with 693 charges in 2010-11. This is an increase of 26%. As COPFS have suggested, this increase may be partly due to increased awareness, reporting and recording of these crimes, following several incidents which received media attention during 2011-2012. A substantial proportion (40%) of all charges were in Glasgow, 93% of the accused were male and 58% were between the ages of 16 and 30. Fifty-seven percent of all charges were reported by the police as being alcohol related. Glasgow was one of the four local authority areas where there was a reduction in the number of aggravations compared to the previous year. The data analysed in this report did not however allow for further explanations of regional differences. Although the number of football-related charges rose in the last year by 16% (from 231 to 267) the proportion went down from 33% to 31% of charges. The number of charges occurring in football stadiums also decreased from 90 (13%) to 67 (8%). This reduction in charges may in part be explained by the increased focus on football-policing and supporter conduct through the work of the Joint Action Group on Football, established in 2011. Roman Catholicism and Protestantism were most often the religions that were the subject of abuse. The proportional spread of the religions that were targeted was similar to the previous year: 57.7% in 2010-11 and 58.1% in 2011-12 for Roman Catholicism; and 36.5% in 2010-11 and 40.3% in 2011-12 for Protestantism. Police officers were the most common target of religiously aggravated offending, in over half (51%) of all charges. The occasions when religious abuse targeted people within the ‘general community’ and not a particular individual, represented 30% of all charges, a proportional reduction since 2010-11. There has been a slight rise since 2010-11 in the use of custody for religiously aggravated offences. The figures show that 43% of charges resulted in fines in 11-12 (42% in 10-11), 22% community penalty in 11-12 (25% in 10-11), 20% custody in 11-12 (18% in 10-11) and 14.9% ‘other’ in 11-12, which is exactly the same as 10-11. Although this research provides insight into the nature of religious offending and will enable comparisons for analysis of trends in future years, there are, as noted in chapter 3 of this report, a number of qualifications for the understanding of this information which means that this report presents only a partial view of the nature of religiously motivated offending in Scotland. To understand changes in the number of charges with a religious aggravation, there is a need to know more about the enforcement strategies of the police. Details: Edinburgh: Scottish Government Social Research, 2012. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 28, 2012 at: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0040/00408745.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/0040/00408745.pdf Shelf Number: 127014 Keywords: Alcohol Related Crime, DisorderFootball (Soccer) and CrimeHate CrimesReligion and Crime (Scotland) |
Author: Spalek, Basia Title: Preventing Religio-Political Extremism Amongst Muslim Youth: a study exploring police-community partnership Summary: Counter-terrorism policing in the UK is undergoing a steep learning curve due to the introduction of overt community policing models. As a result, efforts need to be made to examine the extent to which policing efforts are community focussed and/or community-targeted. Accountability towards communities is increasingly a feature or indeed a challenge for policing: community focused, problem-oriented policing requires police to be responsive to citizens‟ demands, and as such, counter-terrorism police officers working with and within communities must also be accountable to them. Accountability is not only about being accessible and visible to communities, it is also about police officers being open about the fact they are counter-terrorism officers. A key aspect of this accountability is information-sharing, and currently police officers are grappling with what information to release to communities regarding terrorism and counter-terrorism related issues, how to go about sharing this and to whom this should be made available. They are attempting to change the secretive culture of traditional counter-terrorism policing to see how this can be made more visible and open. Overt counter-terrorism policing models can be used to gain valuable information from communities that may have, traditionally, been obtained through covert policing strategies. This highlights the real value of an open approach by police and highlights the importance of considering the balance and links between overt and covert approaches. Police-community partnership Our study highlights the importance of relationship building between police officers and community members. It is important to stress that this study suggests that relationship-building in a counter-terrorism context presents particular challenges, and therefore requires added sensitivity. Information-sharing is seen as a key way of building trust. In areas deemed at „high risk‟ of violent extremism – by the authorities or communities - it is likely that both overt and covert policing is taking place. This creates a tension and challenge for community members who may be engaging with overt police officers whilst also believing that they are the subject of covert observation and other operations. Given the sensitivities around counter-terrorism, it may be that police officers working overtly should be specially selected for their skills in engaging with communities. Additionally, police officers may need to consider that counter-terrorism is distinct from other areas of policing due to the historical legacy and wider socio-political context. Community members can play a crucial role in helping to risk-assess those individuals who have come to the attention of the police or other agencies for a perceived vulnerability to violent extremism, for there may be aspects to individuals‟ lives that only community members can witness, understand and evaluate. It is crucial that partnership is pursued as a goal in relation to intelligence/information sharing between communities and police and other agencies. There may be a danger that statutory agencies enter into relationships and agreements with community members that may prioritise the risk and other needs of those agencies rather than the risks and the needs of community members themselves. The need to acknowledge and address the risks to communities as well as state agencies highlights the fundamental connection between state and community securities. This study found multiple layers to risk. One key issue relates to the identification of risk: who decides whether a set of vulnerabilities constitutes risk of violent extremism and how this is managed. In a situation where risk is being assessed by different agencies, it is important to consider whose voice carries most weight and whether there is a danger that community voices are marginalised. Details: Birmingham, UK: University of Birmingham, Religion & Society, 2011. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 3, 2012 at: http://www.religionandsociety.org.uk/uploads/docs/2011_04/1302685819_preventing-religio-political-extremism-spalek-april2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.religionandsociety.org.uk/uploads/docs/2011_04/1302685819_preventing-religio-political-extremism-spalek-april2011.pdf Shelf Number: 127111 Keywords: Counter-terrorism (U.K.)Extremist GroupsHate CrimesMuslimsPolice-Community RelationsProblem-Oriented PolicingReligious Extremism |
Author: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) Title: EU-MIDIS Data in Focus Report 6: Minorities as Victims of Crime Summary: The average rate of criminal victimisation for all groups surveyed in EU-MIDIS was 24 %, in other words every fourth person from a minority group said that they had been a victim of crime at least once in the 12 months preceding the survey. More ‘visible’ minority groups – that is, those who look visibly different to the majority population – report, on average, higher levels of victimisation in EU-MIDIS than immigrant or minority groups who look similar to the majority population. These results, however, mask significant differences depending on the EU Member State in which generic respondent groups, such as ‘Roma’ or ‘Sub-Saharan African’, live. On average, 18 % of all Roma and 18 % of all Sub-Saharan African respondents in the survey indicated that in the 12 months prior to the survey they had experienced at least one ‘in-person crime’ – that is, assault or threat, or serious harassment – which they considered as being ‘racially motivated’ in some way. In comparison, less than 10 % of other groups indicated that they considered they had been a victim of ‘racially motivated’ in-person crime. The survey asked respondents a series of questions about their experiences of criminal victimisation in relation to the following five crime types: •theft of or from a vehicle; •burglary or attempted burglary; •theft of personal property not involving force or threat; •assault or threat; •serious harassment. Given that many crimes are relatively rare events, EU‑MIDIS asked respondents about their experiences of crime in the last five years; this report, however, explores findings from the survey with respect to people’s experiences in the 12 months preceding the survey interview. The analysis of results and recommendations are thus based on more up‑to‑date information. Follow‑up questions focused on how often interviewees had experienced assaults or threats and serious harassment in the last 12 months. These results showed whether certain groups were more prone to repeat victimisation. The survey questions also asked interviewees whether they considered their experiences of victimisation to be motivated in any way by their ethnic minority or immigrant background. Details: Vienna, Austria: FRA, 2012. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 10, 2012 at: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2012-eu-midis-dif6_0.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2012-eu-midis-dif6_0.pdf Shelf Number: 127206 Keywords: Hate CrimesMinority GroupsRacial Discrimination (Europe)VictimizationVictims of Crimes |
Author: European Network Against Racism (ENAR) Title: Recycling Hatred: Racism(s) in Europe Today. A Dialogue between Academics, Equality Experts and Civil Society Activists Summary: This publication aims to bring together various discussions between academics, equality experts, activists, policy makers, and foundation representatives, who participated in the ENAR/OSF symposium on the Varieties of European Racism(s) in Brussels on 27-28 September 2012. With the motto ‘only together will we be strong’, multiple stakeholders convened to reflect various understandings of racism and ways to influence public sentiment and bring about structural changes to achieve inclusive societies and ensure equality for all. The symposium thus enabled a platform to discuss new and different forms of racism and to reflect whether distinctive experiences of racism can be linked to particular minority populations. It also shed light on the structural and ideological aspects driving racism and hate on the ground in the different European Member States. Participants shared research outputs, personal testimonies, and examples from the different national contexts, bringing forward evidence of the varieties of European racism(s). The symposium additionally enabled a platform to address the interconnections between institutional racism (structures and laws that legislate for exclusion) and popular racist culture, as well as the role of state actors and civil society in countering this. By the end, strategies for improving measures to combat racism on the ground were collected, including approaches for mobilising civil society and for changing racist and xenophobic attitudes. Details: Brussels: European Network Against Racism (ENAR), 2013. 188p. Source: Internet Resource: ENAR Anti-Racism in Focus 1; Accessed July 16, 2013 at: http://cms.horus.be/files/99935/MediaArchive/publications/SymposiumReport_LR%20final%20final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Europe URL: http://cms.horus.be/files/99935/MediaArchive/publications/SymposiumReport_LR%20final%20final.pdf Shelf Number: 129402 Keywords: BiasHate CrimesRacism (Europe) |
Author: Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission Title: Reporting Racism: What You Say Matters Summary: Racism takes many different forms, ranging from discriminatory treatment, property damage or offensive materials to abusive language and even violence. Racism reduces people to stereotypes and reinforces social prejudice and inequality – this behaviour can also be against the law. Reporting racism: what you say matters, completes the first stage of a multi-tiered project to raise awareness of racism in the community and to build capacity for victims and bystanders to report racism and vilification when they experience it. The report sets out eight key actions the Commission will undertake in partnership with other agencies to respond to the issues raised. These range from working with community groups to deliver targeted community information sessions about rights; supporting bystanders on public transport who observe instances of racist behaviour, and partnering with schools, youth groups, sporting organisations, local governments, employers and other agencies to promote and implement the Anti-Hate campaign messages (see below for more information about this campaign) into existing programs and curriculum. Details: Carlton, VIC: Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission, 2013. 68p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 18, 2013 at: http://www.humanrightscommission.vic.gov.au/media/k2/attachments/Reporting_Racism_Web_low_res.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Australia URL: http://www.humanrightscommission.vic.gov.au/media/k2/attachments/Reporting_Racism_Web_low_res.pdf Shelf Number: 129439 Keywords: Bias CrimesHate CrimesRacial BiasRacial DiscriminationRacism (Australia) |
Author: Southern Poverty Law Center Title: Greenwash: Nativists, Environmentalism and the Hypocrisy of Hate Summary: A quarter of a century ago, John Tanton, a white nationalist who would go on to almost single-handedly construct the contemporary, hard-line anti-immigration movement, wrote about his secret desire to bring the Sierra Club, the nation's largest environmental organization, into the nativist fold. He spelled out his motive clearly: Using an organization perceived by the public as part of the liberal left would insulate nativists from charges of racism — charges that, given the explicitly pro-"European-American" advocacy of Tanton and many of his allies over the years, would likely otherwise stick. In the ensuing decades, nativist forces followed Tanton's script, making several attempts to win over the Sierra Club and its hundreds of thousands of members. That effort culminated in 2004, when nativists mounted a serious effort to take over the Sierra Club's board of directors, an attempt that was beaten back only after a strenuous campaign by Sierra Club members and groups including the Southern Poverty Law Center. The attempt was a classic case of "greenwashing" — a cynical effort by nativist activists to seduce environmentalists to join their cause for purely strategic reasons. Now, the greenwashers are back. In the last few years, right-wing groups have paid to run expensive advertisements in liberal publications that explicitly call on environmentalists and other "progressives" to join their anti-immigration cause. They've created an organization called Progressives for Immigration Reform that purports to represent liberals who believe immigration must be radically curtailed in order to preserve the American environment. They've constructed websites accusing immigrants of being responsible for urban sprawl, traffic congestion, overconsumption and a host of other environmental evils. Time and again, they have suggested that immigration is the most important issue for conservationists. The hypocrisy of these come-ons can be astounding. The group headed by Roy Beck, one of the key activists leading the efforts, has given close to half a million dollars to a far-right news service that has described global warming as a hoax. Tanton's wife, who works hand in glove with her husband, runs an anti-immigration political action committee (PAC) that funds candidates with abysmal environmental voting records. The congressional allies of John Tanton, Beck and the other greenwashers are organized into an anti-immigration caucus whose members have even worse environmental voting records than the beneficiaries of Mary Lou Tanton's PAC. John Tanton's U.S. Inc., a foundation set up to fund nativist groups, spent about $150,000 on a highly conservative fundraising agency whose client list includes several major anti-environmental organizations. This new wave of greenwashing attempts, in particular the formation of Progressives for Immigration Reform as a purported group of “liberals,” is only the latest attempt by nativist forces to appear as something they are not. The white-dominated Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), the most important of the groups founded by Tanton, has been behind the creation of three other front groups that supposedly represented African Americans (Choose Black America), Latino Americans (You Don’t Speak for Me!) and labor (Coalition for the Future American Worker). In fact, FAIR had its own white spokesman double as a press representative for the first two organizations. Another group unrelated to FAIR, Vietnamese for Fair Immigration, turned out to be led by a white man who used a fake Vietnamese surname and whose only connection to that country was that he liked the food. The arguments being made by the nativists today — in a nutshell, that immigration drives population increase and that a growing population is the main driver of environmental degradation — have in the last 15 years been rejected by the mainstream of the environmental movement as far too simplistic. The allegation that immigrants are responsible for urban sprawl, for example, ignores the fact that most immigrants live in dense, urban neighborhoods and do not contribute significantly to suburban or exurban sprawl. In a similar way, most conservationists have come to believe that many of the world's most intractable environmental problems, including global warming, can only be solved by dealing with them on a worldwide, not a nation-by-nation, basis. The greenwashers are wolves in sheep's clothing, right-wing nativists who are doing their best to seduce the mainstream environmental movement in a bid for legitimacy and more followers. John Tanton, the man who originally devised the strategy, is in fact far more concerned with the impact of Latino and other non-white immigration on a "European-American" culture than on conservation. Most of the greenwashers are men and women of the far right, hardly "progressives." Environmentalists need to be aware of so-called "progressives for immigration reform" and their true motives. These individuals and organizations do not see protecting the environment as their primary goal — on the contrary, the nativists are first and foremost about radically restricting immigration. Environmentalists should not fall for their rhetoric. Details: Montgomery, AL: Southern Poverty Law Center, 2010. 27p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 8, 2013 at: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/downloads/publication/Greenwash.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/downloads/publication/Greenwash.pdf Shelf Number: 129597 Keywords: Environmentalists (U.S.)Hate CrimesImmigrantsRacism |
Author: Title: Policing Urban Violence in Pakistan Summary: Endemic violence in Pakistan's urban centres signifies the challenges confronting the federal and provincial governments in restoring law and order and consolidating the state's writ. The starkest example is Karachi, which experienced its deadliest year on record in 2013, with 2,700 casualties, mostly in targeted attacks, and possibly 40 per cent of businesses fleeing the city to avoid growing extortion rackets. However, all provincial capitals as well as the national capital suffer from similar problems and threats. A national rethink of overly militarised policy against crime and militancy is required. Islamabad and the four provincial governments need to develop a coherent policy framework, rooted in providing good governance and strengthening civilian law enforcement, to tackle criminality and the jihadi threat. Until then, criminal gangs and jihadi networks will continue to wreak havoc in the country's big cities and put its stability and still fragile democratic transition at risk. Some of the worst assaults on religious and sectarian minorities in 2013 occurred in Quetta and Peshawar, including the 10 January suicide and car bomb attack that killed over 100, mostly Shias, in Quetta; the 16 February terror attack that killed more than 80, again mostly Shias, in Quetta's Hazara town; and the 22 September bombing of a Peshawar church that killed more than 80 people, mostly Christians. The provincial capitals of Peshawar, Quetta, Karachi and Lahore are bases of operations and financing for a range of extremist groups and criminal gangs that exploit poor governance and failing public infrastructure to establish recruitment and patronage networks. As urban populations grow, the competition over resources, including land and water, has become increasingly violent. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK)'s capital, Peshawar, and Balochistan's capital, Quetta, are hostage to broader regional security trends. The conflict in Afghanistan and cross-border ties between Pakistan and Afghan militants have undermined stability in KPK and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Military-dictated counter-insurgency policies, swinging between indiscriminate force and appeasement deals with tribal militants have failed to restore the peace, and instead further empowered violent extremists. Police in Peshawar, which has borne the brunt of militant violence and where violence is at an all-time high, lack political support and resources and appear increasingly incapable of meeting the challenge. Indeed, while militants and criminals frequently target that city, the force is powerless to act when they then seek haven in bordering FATA agencies, because its jurisdiction, according to the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) 1901, does not extend to these areas. Balochistan's location, bordering on southern Afghanistan, the Afghan Taliban's homeland, and longstanding Pakistani policies of backing Afghan Islamist proxies are partly responsible for the growth of militancy and extremism that now threatens Quetta. Aided by a countrywide network, Sunni extremists have killed hundreds of Shias there, while their criminal allies have helped to fill jihadi coffers, and their own, through kidnappings for ransom. Civilian law enforcement agencies cannot counter this rising tide of sectarian violence and criminality, since they are marginalised by the military and its paramilitary arms. Continuing to dictate and implement security policy, the military remains focused on brutally suppressing a province-wide Baloch insurgency, fuelled by the denial of political and economic autonomy. The end result is more Baloch alienation and more jihadi attacks undermining peace in the provincial capital. In Karachi, Pakistan's largest city, which generates around 70 per cent of national GDP, much of the violence is driven by the state's failure to meet the demands of a fast growing population and to enforce the law. Over the past decade, the competition over resources and turf has become increasingly violent. Criminals and militant groups attempt to lure youth by providing scarce services, work and a purpose in life. Demographic changes fuel ethno-political tensions and rivalries, accentuated by the main political parties: the mostly Sindhi Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) representing mohajirs and the predominately Pashtun Awami National Party (ANP) forging links with criminal gangs. Details: Brussels, Belgium: International Crisis Group, 2014. 55p. Source: Internet Resource: Asia Report N255: Accessed January 27, 2014 at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/pakistan/255-policing-urban-violence-in-pakistan Year: 2014 Country: Pakistan URL: http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/pakistan/255-policing-urban-violence-in-pakistan Shelf Number: 131805 Keywords: Extremist GroupsGangsHate CrimesUrban AreasViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Shively, Michael Title: Understanding Trends in Hate Crimes Against Immigrants and Hispanic-Americans Summary: Over the past decade, substantial public attention has been directed toward the possibility that anti-immigrant rhetoric and legislation might be associated with an increase in hate crime in the United States against immigrants and those of Hispanic origin. Recent speculation about whether levels of hate crime are rising or falling, and what may be causing any observed trend, frequently arise in response to new incidents. Moreover, the speculation about hate crime trends applies across a wide range of groups that are known to be targeted for crimes motivated by hate or bias. Answers to questions about trends and why they occur have important implications for policy and practice. For example, if rising levels of hate crime are occurring in a region and targeting certain populations, resources can be deployed where they are most needed, and at appropriate levels. If specific populations are being targeted, culturally competent victim services and law enforcement responses can be tailored to serve those populations. To effectively respond to rising levels of hate crimes and to determine what may be causing the trend, it must first be established that the trend exists. While conceptually simple, it is technically challenging to distinguish random or insignificant variations that occur in any time-series from substantial, statistically significant changes over time. Establishing the significance of trends requires time-series data with: Measures and data collection methods used consistently over time; Reliable measurement of the variables of interest (e.g., ethnicity, race, sexual orientation of victim or respondent); Numbers of incidents sufficient to provide statistical power; and Coverage of geographic areas of interest. Prior to the 1990s, the ability to measure trends in hate crime was limited to a few municipalities where data were collected. Since the passage of the Hate Crime Statistics Act in 1990, substantial public investments have been made to develop data streams, including annual victimization surveys and collections of reported crimes and arrests. While much can be learned about hate crime from information gathered through Federal data collection programs, these time-series collections have not been examined to assess whether the data can support the study of a number of issues, including the detection of significant trends in hate crimes against specific groups. Fundamental questions remain to be answered, including whether the data contained in the major Federal hate crime data collection systems (primarily, the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), and National Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS) or other data streams (such as the School Crime Supplement (SCS) of the NCVS, and the School Survey on Crime and Safety (SSOCS) are adequate to: Estimate hate crime trends nationally, or within any state, across all hate crime types; Assess whether trends exist in hate crimes against immigrants and those whose ethnicity is classified as Hispanic; Serve as a foundation for research on the causes and consequences of hate crime; and Support evaluations of interventions meant to prevent or effectively respond to the problem. To answer such questions, the study featured: An examination of each of the major national time-series datasets (e.g., UCR, NIBRS, NCVS); Seeking additional data sources that could be used to corroborate or supplement the national data collections; Analysis of each database, examining whether trends can be modeled and tested to determine statistical significance; and Gathering qualitative input from expert researchers and practitioners regarding study findings and recommendations. Details: Cambridge, MA: Abt Associates, 2013. 175p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 17, 2014 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/244755.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/244755.pdf Shelf Number: 131953 Keywords: Crime StatisticsCrime TrendsHate CrimesHispanicsImmigrantsMinoritiesVictimization Surveys |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Summary: Many of Europe's 10-12 million Roma are at increased risk of racist violence and discrimination. Excluded from access to essential services and unable to get redress for human rights violations, many Roma feel abandoned. State authorities are failing to protect Roma and to ensure that crimes against them are thoroughly investigated in order to reveal underlying racist or discriminatory motives. This briefing examines hate motivated violence and harassment perpetrated against Roma through emblematic cases in three countries - the Czech Republic, France and Greece. Details: London: AI, 2014. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 28, 2014 at: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR01/007/2014/en/7c3cc69e-e84d-43de-a6a9-3732b4702dff/eur010072014en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Europe URL: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR01/007/2014/en/7c3cc69e-e84d-43de-a6a9-3732b4702dff/eur010072014en.pdf Shelf Number: 132179 Keywords: Bias-Related CrimesDiscriminationGypsiesHate Crimes |
Author: Beirich, Heidi Title: White Homicide Worldwide Summary: A typical murderer drawn to the racist forum Stormfront.org is a frustrated, unemployed, white adult male living with his mother or an estranged spouse or girlfriend. She is the sole provider in the household. Forensic psychologists call him a "wound collector." Instead of building his resume, seeking employment or further education, he projects his grievances on society and searches the Internet for an excuse or an explanation unrelated to his behavior or the choices he has made in life. His escalation follows a predictable trajectory. From right-wing antigovernment websites and conspiracy hatcheries, he migrates to militant hate sites that blame society's ills on ethnicity and shifting demographics. He soon learns his race is endangered - a target of "white genocide." After reading and lurking for a while, he needs to talk to someone about it, signing up as a registered user on a racist forum where he commiserates in an echo chamber of angry fellow failures where Jews, gays, minorities and multiculturalism are blamed for everything. Assured of the supremacy of his race and frustrated by the inferiority of his achievements, he binges online for hours every day, self-medicating, slowly sipping a cocktail of rage. He gradually gains acceptance in this online birthing den of self-described "lone wolves," but he gets no relief, no practical remedies, no suggestions to improve his circumstances. He just gets angrier. And then he gets a gun. The hatemaker: Don Black, the former Alabama Klan leader who founded and still runs Stormfront, provides an electronic home and breeding ground for racists who have murdered almost 100 people in the last five years. To this day, he remains fiercely unapologetic, even as he rakes in donations from his forum members. It is a myth that racist killers hide in the shadows. Investigators find that most offenders openly advocated their ideology online, often obsessively posting on racist forums and blogs for hours every day. Over the past two decades, the largest hate site in the world, Stormfront.org, has been a magnet and breeding ground for the deadly and the deranged. There is safety in the anonymity of the Web, and comfort in the endorsement others offer for extreme racist ideas, argues former FBI agent Joe Navarro, who coined the term "wound collector." "Isolation permits the free expression of ideas, especially those which are extreme and which foster passionate hatred," Navarro, who helped found the FBI's Behavioral Analysis Division, wrote in 2011 in Psychology Today. "In this cocoon of isolation the terrorist can indulge his ideology" without the restrictions of the routines of daily life. Then there is a trajectory from idea to action. Though on any given day, fewer than 1,800 registered members log on to Stormfront, and less than half of the site's visitors even reside in the United States, a two-year study by the Intelligence Report shows that registered Stormfront users have been disproportionately responsible for some of the most lethal hate crimes and mass killings since the site was put up in 1995. In the past five years alone, Stormfront members have murdered close to 100 people. The Report's research shows that Stormfront's bias-related murder rate began to accelerate rapidly in early 2009, after Barack Obama became the nation's first black president. For domestic Islamic terrorists, the breeding ground for violence is often the Al Qaeda magazine Inspire and its affiliated websites. For the racist, it is Stormfront. Details: Atlanta, GA: Southern Poverty Law Center, 2014. 7p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 12, 2014 at: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/intelligence_report_154_homicide_world_wide.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/intelligence_report_154_homicide_world_wide.pdf Shelf Number: 132327 Keywords: ExtremistsHate CrimesHomicideRacismViolent Crime |
Author: Harvey, Shannon Title: Barriers Faced by Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender People in Accessing Domestic Abuse, Stalking and Harassment, and Sexual Violence Services Summary: In 2012, the Welsh Government began consultation on legislation to end violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence. Stakeholders, in early White Paper consultations, suggested that lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people may experience specific barriers when seeking support (Faraz Bhula, 2012). Alongside the development of Wales' men's domestic abuse service, some research has been conducted around gay and bisexual men's experiences of domestic abuse. However, LGBT people remain under-represented in referrals to the All Wales Domestic Abuse & Sexual Violence Helpline and Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conferences (MARACs) across Wales, despite evidence suggesting that they experience domestic and sexual abuse at similar rates to heterosexual, cis women (Donovan et al, 2006; Henderson, 2003). Service provision in Wales and elsewhere in the UK has remained focused on the needs of heterosexual, cis women and knowledge of any differences in LGBT people's support needs is limited. Seeking to further develop policy-making and legislation in this area, the Welsh Government (2013) committed to identifying barriers faced by LGBT people in accessing domestic abuse, stalking and harassment, and sexual violence services. NatCen Social Research was commissioned in January 2014 to conduct this research. Details: Cardiff, Wales: Welsh Government Social Research, 2014. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2014 at: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/caecd/research/2014/140604-barriers-faced-lgbt-accessing-domestic-abuse-services-en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/caecd/research/2014/140604-barriers-faced-lgbt-accessing-domestic-abuse-services-en.pdf Shelf Number: 132489 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDiscriminationDomestic ViolenceGays, Crime AgainstGays, Lesbians and Bisexuals, Crime AgainstHate CrimesMinority GroupsSexual HarassmentSexual ViolenceStalkingVictim Services |
Author: Welsh Local Government Association Title: Tackling Hate Crimes and Incidents: A Framework for Action Summary: The Framework aims to tackle hate crimes and incidents in respect of the protected characteristics under the Equality Act 2010. These include: -disability -race -religion -sexual orientation -gender identity -age. The Framework has also been developed to tackle areas of hate crimes and incidents across cyber hate and bullying, far right hate and mate crime (befriending of people, who are perceived by perpetrators to be vulnerable, for the purposes of taking advantage of, exploiting and/or abusing them). The Framework includes three objectives on prevention, supporting victims and improving the multi-agency response. It is supported by a Delivery Plan which will be updated on an annual basis. Details: Cardiff: Welsh Government, 2014. 64p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2014 at: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/dsjlg/publications/equality/140512-hate-crime-framework-en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/dsjlg/publications/equality/140512-hate-crime-framework-en.pdf Shelf Number: 132580 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesBullyingCrime PreventionCybercrimesHate Crimes |
Author: Amnesty International Title: Because of Who I Am: Homophobia, Transphobia and Hate Crimes in Europe Summary: Although the situation of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGBTI) people has improved in recent years in some European countries, prejudice, discrimination and hate-motivated violence persist, even in countries where same-sex relationships are relatively accepted and where marriage has been opened to all couples irrespective of their gender and sexual orientation. Because of discrimination, prejudice and violence, many people in Europe continue to hide their sexual orientation and gender identity, including from colleagues, friends, schoolmates and family members. According to a survey across European Union (EU) States recently published by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), almost 70% of the LGBTI respondents had always or often disguised their sexual orientation or gender identity at school. LGBTI individuals can face violence anywhere: on the street, in bars and clubs, even at home - sometimes from family members. An Italian NGO (AGEDO) that provides counselling to parents of LGBTI youth in Palermo described cases where teenagers have been sexually abused by their relatives as well as cases where they have been confined to or banished from their homes or referred to "sorcerers" supposedly to help them "fix" their sexual orientation or gender identity. Violence motivated by the real or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity of the victim is widespread, although the exact extent cannot be known. According to the FRA, one out of four of the LGBTI individuals surveyed had been attacked or threatened with violence in the past five years. Unfortunately, only a minority of European countries collect comprehensive data on homophobic and transphobic hate crimes. According to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), 13 EU countries collect some kind of data on homophobic hate crimes, while only five collect data on transphobic hate crimes. However, only four of them provided information on these crimes to the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights in 2011. Hate-motivated violence has a particular detrimental, long-term impact on victims. It also creates a broader climate of fear among LGBTI individuals, groups and communities and, especially when states fail to bring the perpetrators to justice, a pervasive mistrust in authorities. In order to effectively tackle hate crimes on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity, authorities need to make improvements in several areas. Currently, there are gaps in legislation in many EU countries, while investigations and prosecutions of crimes with a hate motive are often flawed. There is little support for victims, who in turn may be unwilling to report the crimes to the police, and impunity prevails for the attackers. This briefing identifies such areas with illustrative case studies. It also provides information on homophobic and transphobic hate crimes in these countries and makes a number of recommendations to both national authorities and the EU. Details: London: AI, 2013. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 2, 2014 at: http://amnesty.ie/sites/default/files/Because%20of%20who%20I%20am.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Europe URL: http://amnesty.ie/sites/default/files/Because%20of%20who%20I%20am.pdf Shelf Number: 132602 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDiscriminationGays, Violence AgainstHate CrimesHomophobiaPrejudice |
Author: Allen, Mary Title: Police-reported Hate Crime in Canada, 2012 Summary: Police-reported hate crime in Canada, 2012: highlights - In 2012, police reported 1,414 criminal incidents motivated by hate in Canada, 82 more incidents than in 2011. - About half (51%) of police-reported hate crimes in 2012 were motivated by hatred of race or ethnicity. Another 30% were motivated by religion and another 13% by sexual orientation. - Over two-thirds (69%) of hate crimes were non-violent. Mischief was the most commonly reported offence among police-reported hate crimes, making up over half of all hate crime incidents: 6% were hate mischief in relation to religious property and 51% were other types of mischief. - Almost one-third (31%) of police-reported hate crimes in 2012 involved violent offences, such as assault, uttering threats and criminal harassment. Hate crimes motivated by sexual orientation (67%) or race/ethnicity (32%) were the most likely to involve violent offences. Among religious hate crimes, 13% were violent. - The majority of police-reported hate crime incidents in 2012 were concentrated in major cities (CMAs). While the 10 largest Canadian cities account for just over half of the population (52%), they reported 63% of the hate crimes in 2012. - Among crimes motivated by hate, the accused were predominantly young and male. Among persons accused of hate crimes in 2012, 84% were male and 57% were under age 25. The majority (62%) of the youth accused of hate crimes who were under age 18 were accused of non-violent offences, with 48% accused of mischief. Details: Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, 2014. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Juristat: Accessed July 3, 2014 at: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2014001/article/14028-eng.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Canada URL: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2014001/article/14028-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 132622 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesCrime StatisticsHate Crimes |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: License to Harm: Violence and Harassment against LGBT People and Activists in Russia Summary: Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community has become the target of physical violence and everyday harassment. In the past two years there has been a surge of attacks by individuals and vigilante groups against LGBT people and activists. Russian law enforcement agencies appear to lack the will to take homophobic violence seriously and have done little to hold assailants accountable. This inaction has perpetuated the cycle of discrimination, harassment, and violence. In June 2013 Russia effectively entrenched legalized discrimination against LGBT people by adopting a federal law - the anti-LGBT "propaganda" law - banning distribution of information in the presence of children about LGBT relationships. License to Harm: Violence and Harassment against LGBT People and Activists in Russia documents the spread of homophobic and transphobic violence and everyday harassment against LGBT people and activists in the lead-up to and since the adoption of the 2013 anti-LGBT law. The report is based on dozens of interviews with LGBT people and activists from 16 cities and towns in Russia. Human Rights Watch deplores the wholly inadequate efforts by Russian law enforcement to effectively investigate anti-LGBT violence and curb its spread. Human Rights Watch urges Russian authorities to address the escalation of anti-LGBT violence in the country, prosecute homophobic attacks as hate crimes, and repeal the anti-LGBT "propaganda" law. Details: New York: HRW, 2014. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 15, 2015 at: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/russia1214_ForUpload_2.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Russia URL: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/russia1214_ForUpload_2.pdf Shelf Number: 134404 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesGays, Crime Against Gays, Lesbians and Bisexuals, Crime AgainstHate CrimesHomophobic Violence (Russia)Sexual DiscriminationSexual HarassmentSexual Violence |
Author: Physicians for Human Rights Title: Patterns of Anti-Muslim Violence in Burma: A Call for Accountability and Prevention Summary: Violence against ethnic and other minority groups living in Burma (officially the Union of Myanmar) has marked the country's history over the past several decades. Burma's former military regime made common practice of targeting ethnic communities for forced labor, sexual violence, and other serious crimes. Under Burma's current nominally democratic government, violence against marginalized groups has escalated to an unprecedented level as Rohingyas and other Muslims throughout Burma face renewed acts of violence. Persecution and violence against Rohingyas, a Muslim group long excluded from Burmese society and denied citizenship, has spread to other Muslim communities throughout the country. Serious human rights violations, including anti-Muslim violence, have resulted in the displacement of nearly 250,000 people since June 2011, as well as the destruction of more than 10,000 homes, scores of mosques, and a dozen monasteries. The successive waves of violence too often go unpunished by the Burmese government. At times, the crimes have even been facilitated by the police. The failure of the Burmese government to properly protect its people and address human rights violations committed by police officers signals serious obstacles ahead on the path from military dictatorship to a truly democratic country where everyone has a voice and the rights of all people are respected and protected. One of the most extreme and alarming examples of anti-Muslim violence was the March 2013 massacre of dozens of Muslim students, teachers, and other community members in Meiktila, a town in central Burma. Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) conducted an in-depth investigation into those killings and released a report in May 2013 detailing the crimes. In an effort to place this particular incident in the wider context of ongoing violence, PHR produced this report to analyze and asses patterns of extreme violence from various sites across the country, which indicate that the government has consistently failed to properly address attacks driven by hate speech and racism. Further investigation by an independent commission is necessary to uncover additional details about the organization and motivation behind the recent violence. There are no simple solutions to stem rising tides of religious hatred and violence. The people of Burma face the significant task of choosing how to grapple with intolerance and anti-Muslim hatred, as well as myriad abuses by the government against other marginalized groups. The ultimate responsibility, however, rests with the Government of Burma, which must ensure that people are protected from violence and that any perpetrators are investigated, arrested, and charged according to fair and transparent legal standards. As this report demonstrates, while there have been several arrests following some of the most extreme outbreaks of violence, the government must do more not only to respond to the individual acts of violence, but also to promote an atmosphere of tolerance and acceptance where the rights of all people are protected. The Burmese government also has the responsibility to find durable solutions to end violence that respect ethnic diversity. Institutionalized displacement and segregation are abhorrent and unsustainable responses that have devastating consequences for those displaced by violence or fear of persecution. PHR conducted eight separate investigations in Burma and the surrounding region between 2004 and 2013. PHR's most recent field research in early 2013 indicates a need for renewed attention to violence against minorities and impunity for such crimes. The findings presented in this report are based on investigations conducted in Burma over two separate visits for a combined 21-day period between March and May 2013. The Government of Burma, civil society leaders, and the international community must act immediately to stop anti-Muslim violence in the country. The unhampered spread of violent incidents across Burma exposes concerning indicators of future violence. There is, for instance, rapid dissemination of hate speech against marginalized groups, widespread impunity for most perpetrators, and inaction or acquiescence by many leaders in government and the democracy movement. As we have witnessed in the past, these elements are ingredients for potential catastrophic violence in the future, including potential crimes against humanity and/or genocide. If left unchecked, this particular combination could lead to mass atrocities on a scale heretofore unseen in Burma. Details: New York: Physicians for Human Rights, 2013. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: https://s3.amazonaws.com/PHR_Reports/Burma-Violence-Report-August-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Burma URL: https://s3.amazonaws.com/PHR_Reports/Burma-Violence-Report-August-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129780 Keywords: Bias-Related CrimesEthnic GroupsHate CrimesHomicidesHuman Rights AbusesMinority GroupsMuslimsReligionViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Great Britain. Her Majesty's Iinspectorate of Constabulary Title: Joint Review of Disability Hate Crime Follow-Up Summary: 1.1 This joint follow-up review considered how the police, Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) and probation service providers (National Probation Service (NPS)/Community Rehabilitation Companies (CRCs)) have responded to the seven recommendations contained in the Criminal Justice Joint Inspection (CJJI) March 2013 review of disability hate crime. Key findings Awareness of disability hate crime 1.2 The 2013 review highlighted the need for the three agencies to quickly (within three months) take the appropriate steps to ensure that the public and those who work in the criminal justice system (CJS) understood disability hate crime. This is a fundamental step in ensuring (a) that the level of under reporting is reduced and (b) once recognised by the CJS, that the appropriate level of service is provided to victims of disability hate crime. The casework examination undertaken as part of this review reveals continuing difficulties by the police, CPS and probation staff in identifying disability hate crime. 1.3 There are examples of good practice relating to awareness raising at national level, such as the guidance to police forces contained within the Framework for Implementation of the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) recommendations published jointly by the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) and the College of Policing in 2013, and the subsequent publication by the College of Policing of the National Policing Hate Crime Strategy in 2014. At the local level awareness-raising events have taken place in different parts of England and Wales. However, neither the police nor the CPS have succeeded in significantly improving performance at operational level. Recognising this, the CPS Chief Executive has now assumed personal responsibility for driving improvement by the Service and a CPS national action plan was launched in November 2014. 1.4 Similarly, although the National Offender Management Service (NOMS) has provided direction and some probation trusts have worked with local partners to improve awareness of disability hate crime, it is still seen as a very small part of their work and is not dealt with effectively. Increased reporting of disability hate crime to the police 1.5 The number of reports of disability hate crimes to the police recorded by the Home Office remains low, at only 1,985 in 2013-145 and the gap between this and the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) estimated figure of 62,000 disability motivated hate crimes6 remains significant. It is particularly concerning that in the Home Office reporting figures for disability hate crime for 2013-14, nine police force areas had less than ten reports. 1.6 Disappointingly, inspectors found that the police forces visited had not conducted a formal review of the different methods by which information is received from the public to ensure that every opportunity is being taken to identify victims of disability hate crime. This represents a lost opportunity. Embedding disability hate crime processes within the working practices of the police, CPS and probation staff 1.7 Unfortunately, the approach to delivering effective training by the agencies has been inconsistent and slow. Without the required impetus it is not surprising that performance has not improved significantly. 1.8 The 2013 review highlighted errors in the recording of data relating to disability hate crime by the police and CPS. This follow-up reveals that whilst there have been some improvements, further progress is required. Highlights include: - Case file examination undertaken as part of this review reveals an improvement in the number of files accurately identified to the CPS as disability hate crimes by the police (when they seek charging advice from the CPS) to 20%7 (compared to 7% in the 2013 review). However, further improvement is required. - In around a third of recorded disability hate crimes the crime reports lacked information to show they complied with the agreed definition of disability hate crime, usually because it was not made explicit who had perceived the crime to be motivated by hostility or prejudice against the victim's disability or perceived disability. - Of the 107 CPS files examined inspectors were of the view that 76 (71%) were correctly identified as disability hate crime in accordance with the CPS policy (compared to 69% in 2013), 19 files (18%) involved a disabled victim but the case did not fall within the CPS definition of flagging as a disability hate crime (compared to 12%) and 12 files (11%) were flagged incorrectly as administrative or other error (previously 19%). 1.9 Whilst the CPS has reduced the number of files flagged as administrative/other errors, there is a continuing need for improvement, as the data reveals only a small improvement in the accuracy of recording disability hate crime files. 1.10 The CPS case management system has the capacity to record those disability hate crimes where the court uplifted the sentence for the aggravated element (section 146 Criminal Justice Act 2003) and the number of recorded 'uplifts' is unacceptably low. 1.11 This review also examined 21 pre-sentence reports and there was little or no evidence that disability hate crime had been awarded a higher priority within the work of those agencies delivering probation services than in 2013. There was little evidence that disability hate crime forms all but a very small part of the work of NPS/CRCs. In part this is due to the lack of reporting of these cases. However, even in those cases where there was clear evidence that they met the disability hate crime definition, in the majority there was no recognition by those providing probation services that these were disability hate crimes. Conclusion 1.12 The 2013 review highlighted that disability hate crime is a complex area with a number of unique features. It called for a new impetus that focussed on (a) improving awareness of disability hate crime, (b) increasing the reporting of disability hate crime and (c) embedding disability hate crime processes within the routine working practices of police, CPS and probation staff. The seven recommendations, if implemented effectively, would have made a substantial contribution to achieving these overarching aims. 1.13 This follow-up reveals that there has been insufficient progress made against the recommendations. An opportunity to achieve improvements in the criminal justice system for all members of society has not yet been taken. Details: London: Criminal Justice Joint Inspection, 2015. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 2, 2015 at: http://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/wp-content/uploads/joint-review-of-disability-hate-crime-review.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/wp-content/uploads/joint-review-of-disability-hate-crime-review.pdf Shelf Number: 135099 Keywords: Bias CrimesCrime StatisticsDisabilityHate Crimes |
Author: Nwabuzo, Ojeaku Title: Racist Crime in Europe: ENAR Shadow Report 2013-2014 Summary: Civil society organisations across the EU report an increase in racist crimes in 2013, in particular against Black and Asian ethnic minorities, Roma, Jews and Muslims - or those perceived as such, according to the European Network Against Racism's latest Shadow Report on racist crime in Europe, covering 26 European countries. A total of 47,210 racist crimes were officially recorded, but this is only the tip of the iceberg, as many EU Member States do not properly record and report racially motivated crimes. There was an increase in anti-Semitic (Bulgaria, Denmark, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands and Sweden) and Islamophobic (France, England and Wales) crimes in some countries, and these crimes increasingly take the form of online incitement to hatred and/or violence. There were cases of violence, abuse or incitement to violence against Roma in almost all EU Member States, and in particular those with a large Roma population. In many EU countries, including Estonia, Greece, Italy, Poland, Sweden and the United Kingdom, the most violent physical attacks reported are perpetrated against Black and Asian people. In Sweden for example, 980 crimes with an Afrophobic motive were recorded. In addition, crimes perpetrated by members of far-right groups are over-represented (49%) in racist crimes and complaints linked to political groups. In some countries there is no official or systematic data collection of racially motivated crimes; and in others, information about the racial, ethnic or religious background of the victims is not disaggregated. Only one third of EU countries have recorded and published information on racist crimes for 2013. In addition, because many feel ashamed, do not trust the police or think their testimony will not change anything, victims often do not come forward to report racist crimes. The investigation and prosecution of racist crimes is also problematic. Although most EU Member States recognise racially motived crimes in their legislation, narrow definitions of what constitutes racially motivated crime can result in incidents not being recorded, investigated or prosecuted properly. In the Czech Republic and Italy, an estimated 40-60% of reported racist crimes are not fully investigated by police. Under-qualification of racist crimes takes place throughout the justice system, from police reporting to court judgements. Details: Brussels: European Network Against Racism (ENAR), 2015. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 28, 2015 at: http://www.enar-eu.org/IMG/pdf/shadowreport_2013-14_en_final_lowres-2.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Europe URL: http://www.enar-eu.org/IMG/pdf/shadowreport_2013-14_en_final_lowres-2.pdf Shelf Number: 136616 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimeExtremist GroupsHate CrimesRacism |
Author: Anti-Defamation League Title: With Hate in their Hearts: The State of White Supremacy in the United States Summary: The recent tragic shooting spree in June 2015 that took nine lives at Emanuel AME Church, a predominantly African-American church in Charleston, South Carolina, starkly revealed the pain and suffering that someone motivated by hate can cause. The suspect in the shootings, Dylann Storm Roof, is a suspected white supremacist. The horrific incident-following earlier deadly shooting sprees by white supremacists in Kansas, Wisconsin, and elsewhere-makes understanding white supremacy in the United States a necessity. - White supremacist ideology in the United States today is dominated by the belief that whites are doomed to extinction by a rising tide of non-whites who are controlled and manipulated by the Jews-unless action is taken now. This core belief is exemplified by slogans such as the so-called Fourteen Words: "We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children." - During the recent surge of right-wing extremist activity in the United States that began in 2009, white supremacists did not grow appreciably in numbers, as anti-government extremists did, but existing white supremacists did become more angry and agitated, with a consequent rise of serious white supremacist violence. - Most white supremacists do not belong to organized hate groups, but rather participate in the white supremacist movement as unaffiliated individuals. Thus the size of the white supremacist movement is considerably greater than just the members of hate groups. Among white supremacist groups, gangs are becoming increasingly important. - The white supremacist movement has a number of different components, including 1) neo-Nazis; 2) racist skinheads; 3) "traditional" white supremacists; 4) Christian Identity adherents; and 5) white supremacist prison gangs. The prison gangs are growing in size, while the other four sub-movements are stagnant or in decline. In addition, there are a growing number of Odinists, or white supremacist Norse pagans. There are also "intellectual" white supremacists who seek to provide an intellectual veneer or justification for white supremacist concepts. - White supremacists engage in a wide variety of activities to promote their ideas and causes or to cause fear in their enemies. They also engage in an array of social activities in which white supremacists gather for food and festivities. - Among domestic extremist movements active in the United States, white supremacists are by far the most violent, committing about 83% of the extremist-related murders in the United States in the past 10 years and being involved in about 52% of the shootouts between extremists and police. White supremacists also regularly engage in a variety of terrorist plots, acts and conspiracies. However, white supremacists also have a high degree of involvement with traditional forms of criminal activity as well as ideologically-based criminal activity. Most of the murders committed by white supremacists are done for non-ideological reasons. However, even if such murders are ignored, white supremacists still commit the most lethal violence of any domestic extremist movement in the United States. Details: New York: Anti-Defamation League, 2015. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 11, 2016 at: http://www.adl.org/assets/pdf/combating-hate/state-of-white-supremacy-united-states-2015.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.adl.org/assets/pdf/combating-hate/state-of-white-supremacy-united-states-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137446 Keywords: Extremist GroupsHate CrimesHomeland SecurityRacismRadical GroupsWhite Supremacists |
Author: Montague, Richard Title: Challenging Racism: Ending Hate Summary: Migrants are often on the receiving end of negative stereotyping and scaremongering. For example, in late 2013 sections of the British media presented stories that the UK was about to be 'flooded' by a mass influx of Romanians and Bulgarians. The Sun newspaper hysterically claimed: 'a tidal wave of Romanian and Bulgarian immigrants is threatening to swamp Britain - and flood our overstretched jobs market'. Such reporting came in the advent of work restrictions being removed and allowing citizens from the A2 countries (Bulgaria and Romania) access to the EU labour market by January 2014. The arrival of newcomers did not unravel as was suggested and there has been no noticeable negative impact on jobs or public services in the UK. In fact, recent European immigrants in the UK have paid $8.8 billion more in tax than they have consumed in public services. In Northern Ireland, migration also contributes to sustaining economic growth, filling labour shortages, bringing much needed skills and enriching our society through cultural diversity. Some perceptions echo slogans such as 'British jobs for British workers'. Demanding the ring-fencing of jobs specifically for UK citizens would not only be an unlawful discriminatory exercise, it would also be counter-productive in terms of trade and investment from international businesses. It is not only political parties, politicians and the media which have reflected negative images of migrants. A 2010 study on public attitudes towards migrant workers in Northern Ireland highlighted: - 70% of respondents felt that migrants put a strain on services (e.g. social housing, education, and healthcare); - Almost half (48%) of those surveyed felt that migrant workers take jobs away from people born in Northern Ireland. Moreover, a 2014 Queen's University study of community workers who were challenging myths that aided hate crime in Belfast felt that community concerns were generally articulated around jobs and housing. In this way, racist hate crimes are often a crude way of 'defending' resources coupled with notions of protecting community identity from the 'outsider'. These opinions have underpinned certain racist attacks in Northern Ireland. Between 2013 and 2014 there has been a 43% increase in racially-motivated offences, with 70% of these occurring in Belfast.8 During the present reporting period, the PSNI has noted that racially motivated crimes in Northern Ireland have risen by more than 50%. In the context of a perceived competition for scarce resources like jobs and housing, this may provide fertile ground for racism. Therefore, the media, political parties, politicians and even our neighbours or work colleagues can fuel negative and incorrect perceptions about migrants. When these ideas take root, they can create an atmosphere of ethnic intolerance, resentment and hostility, often resulting in hate crimes. We need to challenge prejudices and continue to debunk myths about migrants. It is no coincidence that racist hate crimes tend to occur in areas of multiple deprivation where foreign nationals are blamed for economic and social ills. These are communities in Northern Ireland which have not felt the economic benefits of the 'peace process.' But while socio-economic disadvantage is not a 'myth', perceptions about threats to resources like jobs and housing are forms of myth-making when we look at the facts. It must not be forgotten that such racist attitudes are not unique to communities of need. Details: Belfast?: Unite Against Hate, 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 10, 2016 at: https://www.qub.ac.uk/research-centres/isctsj/filestore/Filetoupload,472425,en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.qub.ac.uk/research-centres/isctsj/filestore/Filetoupload,472425,en.pdf Shelf Number: 137836 Keywords: Hate CrimesImmigrantsMigrantsRacism |
Author: Human Rights First Title: Breaking the Cycle of Violence: Countering Antisemitism and Extremism in France Summary: The deadly terrorist attacks on November 13 in Paris, coming less than a year after the killings at Charlie Hebdo and a kosher supermarket, have focused long overdue attention on the resurgence of antisemitism and extremism in France. France has both the largest Jewish and one of the largest Muslim communities in Europe. With the rise of the xenophobic far-right National Front party, this situation is a tinderbox. "Antisemitism is unacceptable no matter where it comes from," said the Chief Rabbi of France, Haim Korsia, in July 2015. "When there is a Republic with strong values - liberty, equality, fraternity, which we often forget - we have security and serenity for everyone, including Jews." Violence targeting Jews and Jewish sites has led to a heightened sense of insecurity, and an increasing number of Jews are relocating in or outside of France for security reasons. Some observers have drawn comparisons to Europe in the 1930s. While that dark history continues to cast a cautionary shadow, as it should, the comparison is inapt. Nonetheless, antisemitism is a grave threat to human rights, and its resurgence in France should be of great concern to the French government and its allies, including the United States. Antisemitic violence harms not only its direct victims but entire Jewish communities, preventing them from being able to exercise their fundamental rights. And the potential damage is even greater: Left unchecked, antisemitism leads to the persecution of other minorities, and to an overall increase in repression and intolerance. An increase in antisemitism is a harbinger of societal breakdown. This report analyzes the nature and extent of antisemitism in France and presents recommendations for combating it by promoting tolerance and inclusiveness. Based on public information and interviews with a range of government officials, civil society representatives, and academic experts, the report examines this problem within broader and interrelated phenomena, including the ascendancy of the far-right party the National Front, mounting anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim sentiment, the spread of Islamic extremism, and the increasing alienation of many Muslims in France. While the report assesses spikes in antisemitic incidents related to developments in the Middle East, it focuses on France and the domestic dynamics contributing to this problem. However, we see France as a test case for the plight of Jews on the continent because the pertinent trends there also exist in other European countries. Details: New York: Human Rights First, 2016. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 16, 2016 at: http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/sites/default/files/HRF-Breaking-the-Cycle-final.pdf Year: 2016 Country: France URL: http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/sites/default/files/HRF-Breaking-the-Cycle-final.pdf Shelf Number: 138697 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesExtremismExtremist GroupsHate CrimesHuman Rights AbusesTerrorism |
Author: Hunt, Ryan Title: Lessons from a Hate Crime Detective: A Guide for Law Enforcement Summary: This guide is designed as a tool to help community groups facilitate discussions and training sessions in conjunction with screenings of the seven-minute Not In Our Town film Lessons From a Hate Crime Detective. Produced in collaboration with the COPS Office, the film features Detective Ellen Vest, a 30-year veteran of San Diego County (California) Sheriff's Department, distilling the most important ideas about hate crimes down to five essential lessons. The guide provides discussion questions for use in community screenings as well as a list of supplemental resources. Used together, the film and guide can help agencies and communities work to improve hate crime reporting, enhance investigations, and support victims. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2015. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2016 at: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-p336-pub.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://ric-zai-inc.com/Publications/cops-p336-pub.pdf Shelf Number: 139060 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "The Nail That Sticks Out Gets Hammered Down": LGBT Bullying and Exclusion in Japanese Schools Summary: School bullying is a notorious problem in Japan. Students target peers they perceive to be different with harassment, threats, and sometimes violence - including by singling them out based on their real or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity. The Japanese government compounds and even fuels this problem by promoting social conformity and a climate of "harmony" in schools, and by insisting that no student is more vulnerable to bullying than any other. In doing so, it fails to address the vulnerabilities of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) students. Based on more than 100 in-depth interviews with sexual and gender minority youth and Japanese education experts, "The Nail That Sticks Out Gets Hammered Down" examines the shortcomings in Japanese policies that expose LGBT students to bullying and inhibit their access to information and self-expression. Lack of comprehensive sex education, silence on LGBT topics in the national curriculum, and inadequate teacher training on sexual orientation and gender identity all contribute to LGBT students' vulnerabilities. Policies that require transgender people to obtain a diagnosis of gender identity disorder as a first step toward gaining legal recognition are harmfully rigid and discriminatory, and can have a particularly harsh impact on youth. While Japan's education ministry has taken positive steps in recent years to recognize, understand, and protect LGBT students, further action is needed to develop specific policies to address bullying. As the public debate on LGBT rights in Japan gains momentum around same-sex marriage and employment non-discrimination, the government has an opportunity to bring its policies in line with its international human rights commitments, including the right to education free from discrimination for all children. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 92p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 8, 2016 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/japan0516web.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Japan URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/japan0516web.pdf Shelf Number: 139337 Keywords: Bias CrimesGays, Crimes AgainstHate CrimesLesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender (LGBT)School BullyingSchool Crimes |
Author: Jensen, Steffen Title: Violence and community activism in Vrygrond, South Africa Summary: This study project is a partnership between the Community Healing Network (CHN) in Vrygrond, Cape Town and the Rehabilitation and Research Centre for Torture Victims in Copenhagen (RCT). The project has two basic objectives: 1) To conduct a study exploring 1) levels of crime and violence in Vrygrond, Cape Town; 2) the period of xenophobic violence in Vrygrond in May 2008, and 3) what community action was taken to prevent the violence. 2) To understand how the events around May 2008 could be prevented using a community activist model like the one employed by the Community Healing Network, which is one of the authoring organizations of this report. In meeting the first objective, we employed a host of qualitative and quantitative methods, including a violence survey with 517 randomly selected households/- respondents and a study population of 2363 in Vrygrond, interviews with victims of the xenophobic violence and focus group discussions with community activists and community members participating in the data collection. Although it is difficult to collect data in Vrygrond because of security concerns and lack of trust, credible and interesting data was collected by members of the community and analyzed by CHN and RCT. This is s a testimony to the value of actively integrating community members in research projects as partners rather than as research subjects. The quantitative analysis shows an image of a deeply divided, poor and violent community with few state resources, minimal trust in the state or one's neighbours, and endemic intergroup conflicts which are fed by highly derogatory stereotypes on all sides. In many ways, Vrygrond should have experienced xenophobic violence in May 2008. However, the report shows that the direct victimization of violence in Vrygrond during May 2008 was insignificant. Among 517 household respondents, no one had been direct victims of violence during that time. To explore the very real suffering that could not be captured statistically, the report developed a distinction between primary, secondary and tertiary victimization. In the survey, primary victims of the violence provide a measure of the quantitative levels of violence in the general population. Secondary victimization includes those who directly knew people that were affected. Finally, tertiary victimization included all those that felt endangered by the violence because of who they were. The report concludes that the risks of violence are associated with local dynamics around leadership, perceptions of violence as legitimate and gender dimensions. This goes against many other explanations that focus on general structures of poverty, border control and other factors. However, only local dynamics explain why the violence in Vrygrond was relatively low. Finally, the report explores how local dynamics and local activism played itself out in the context of the xenophobic violence. We identified a number of community structures, practices and activities that seemed to have insulated Vrygrond against the worst excesses of the violence: no community authority that legitimised violence, a multiplicity of institutional and individual actors, early warning, interventions of important female community members, activities like feeding programmes and prayer meetings that broke the isolation of non-South Africans, and a constructive relationship to the police who acted according to their prerogative to protect. Perhaps the most important conclusion from the analysis is that individuals demonstrated enormous courage when they risked standing against the xenophobic violence that had enveloped the country. Despite the fact that Vrygrond is a highly divided community, many people acted according to a basic humanity that would dispel the notion that "all South Africans are evil" (as one respondent reflected after the violence). To address the second objective of the study project, the report compares the lessons that could be made regarding preventive community activism with the model and history of the Community Healing Network. The report finds that in many ways CHN is an appropriate model of community healing and prevention of violence. It creates a democratic opportunity for engagement across intrinsic affiliations; because it includes both specialists from NGO's and universities and community members, it serves as the "honest broker" between the state and the community in other contexts. However, CHN is faced with a number of challenges: lack of institutional permanence, lop-sided representation, constant demands for survival needs among the community members, and a historically based antagonistic relationship to the state apparatus. If the challenges are faced, there are clear advantages in developing the model and putting it into practice in Vrygrond and elsewhere. Details: Copenhagen: Rehabilitation and Research Centre for Torture Victims, 2011. 106p. Source: Internet Resource: RCT International Publication Series No. 1: Accessed June 10, 2016 at: Accessed June 10, 2016 at: http://doc.rct.dk/doc/mon2011.160.pdf Year: 2011 Country: South Africa URL: http://doc.rct.dk/doc/mon2011.160.pdf Shelf Number: 139361 Keywords: Communities and crimeHate CrimesTortureUrban CrimeViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Corn-Revere, Robert Title: Hate Speech Laws: Ratifying the Assassin's Veto Summary: Recently criticisms of religion have been met by violence and threats of violence, the most infamous being the murder in Paris of several editors of the satirical weekly, Charlie Hebdo. The phenomenon of killing or threatening to kill those who insult you or your way of life has come to be known as the assassin's veto. These events raise anew a basic question for liberal societies: how much expression must a free society tolerate? The United States Supreme Court has generally restricted government limits on speech. Some speech, however, does not receive protection, including expressions closely tied to violence. In the past, "fighting words" were judged unprotected by the First Amendment; the development of Court doctrine has largely eliminated this exception. American jurisprudence is based on the assumption that protections for freedom of expression will not long endure if they can be abandoned when the message is particularly repellant or its target especially sympathetic. European law also protects freedom of expression, although in a less robust way than does U.S. law. Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights subjects freedom of speech to important limitations understood generally as "hate speech." In contrast to the United States, officials may apply criminal or civil sanctions to prohibited political advocacy. The United States faces a choice. Should it defend the right to offend, or opt instead to champion a right not to be offended? We have learned from hard experience in the United States that free expression cannot long survive without protecting outrageous and offensive speech. Details: Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2016. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 1, 2016 at: http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/pa791.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/pa791.pdf Shelf Number: 139541 Keywords: Freedom of ExpressionHate CrimesHate Speech |
Author: Abrams, Dominic Title: Prejudice and unlawful behaviour: Exploring levers for change Summary: This report looks at the relationship between prejudice and behaviours. It aims to identify what can be done to prevent and respond to unlawful discrimination, identity-based harassment and violence in England, Scotland and Wales. The report looks at evidence from 2005 to 2015 and focuses on three areas: the relationship between prejudiced attitudes and unlawful discrimination, identity-based harassment and violence the prevalence of unlawful behaviour based on prejudiced attitudes what is known about how to prevent or respond to unlawful behaviour related to prejudiced attitudes Details: London: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2016. 214p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Report 101: Accessed August 3, 2016 at: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/research-report-101-prejudice-and-unlawful-behaviour.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/research-report-101-prejudice-and-unlawful-behaviour.pdf Shelf Number: 139956 Keywords: Bias Discrimination Harassment Hate CrimesPrejudice |
Author: Great Britain. Home Office Title: Action Against Hate: The UK Government's plan for tackling hate crime Summary: 1. Hate crime has a particularly harmful effect on its victims, as it seeks to attack an intrinsic part of who they are or who they are perceived to be: their race, religion, sexual orientation, disability or transgender identity. The previous Government's plan to tackle hate crime (Challenge It, Report It, Stop It, 2012) delivered real improvements in the way in which hate crime can be reported as well as improving understanding within the Police Service of the impact that hate crime can have on communities. Specific changes following that plan include: - the publication, for the first time, of detailed findings from the Crime Survey for England and Wales on the extent of hate crime victimisation in England and Wales; - an improvement in the police recording of hate crime - requiring police forces to capture data on recorded hate crimes under all five of the monitored strands, and publishing that data as Official Statistics; - the funding of a number of projects with voluntary sector organisations working with victims of hate crime under the Ministry of Justice's Victim and Witness Fund; and - amended legislation to provide for enhanced sentencing in a wider range of crimes, including for the first time a victim's transgender identity as an aggravating factor. 2. According to the independent Crime Survey for England and Wales, there were an estimated 222,000 hate crimes on average each year from 2012/13 to 2014/15. This represents a decrease of 56,000 since the previous period covered by the survey. However, despite an increase in the number of hate crimes recorded by the police - from 44,471 in 2013/14 to 52,528 in 2014/15 - the difference between police figures and the crime survey show that hate crimes continue to be significantly underreported. 3. Hate crime victims are more likely to suffer repeat victimisation, more likely to suffer serious psychological impacts as a result, and less likely than the victims of other crime to be satisfied with the police response. 4. This Action Plan focuses five key areas to tackle hate crime from beginning to end - from understanding the drivers of hate crime and dealing with its causes to providing improved support to victims: - Preventing hate crime by challenging the beliefs and attitudes that can underlie such crimes. We will work to give young people and teachers the tools to tackle hatred and prejudice, including through a new programme to equip teachers to facilitate conversations about 'difficult topics' and carry out a new assessment of the level of anti-Muslim, antisemitic, homophobic, racist and other bullying in schools to inform further action to reduce levels of such bullying. We will continue to work with community partners such as the Anne Frank Trust and Streetwise to deliver educational projects that help young people challenge prejudice and discrimination. - Responding to hate crime in our communities with the aim of reducing the number of hate crime incidents. This includes the introduction of a L2.4m funding scheme for security measures at vulnerable faith institutions, measures to tackle hate crime on public transport and in the night-time economy by providing training, raising awareness and making reporting easier, and establishing three community demonstration projects to explore new ways of tackling hate crime in local communities. We will also take action against online hate crime, including a ministerial seminar with social media companies and counter-narrative work. - Increasing the reporting of hate crime, through improving the reporting process, encouraging the use of third party reporting and working with groups who may under-report, such as disabled people, Muslim women, the Charedi community, transgender people, Gypsy, Traveller and Roma communities, and new refugee communities. We will work with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) to ensure that perpetrators are punished, and to publicise successful prosecutions to encourage people to have the confidence that when they report hate crime, action will be taken. - Improving support for the victims of hate crime. We will continue to improve the use of Victim Personal Statements to ensure that victims of hate crime have their voices heard. The CPS will produce new guidance on community impact statements for hate crime, reflecting that hate crime can have an impact beyond individual victims and lead to increased feelings of isolation or fear across whole communities. And to improve the experience of witnesses at court, the CPS will conduct a joint review with the police of Witness Care Units. - Building our understanding of hate crime through improved data, including the disaggregation of hate crimes records by religion. Our Extremism Analysis Unit will conduct a review into neo-Nazi networks and we will continue to develop our networks and relationships with academics to identify opportunities for collaboration, to ensure that we are able to learn from academic insights into hate crime and the ways of combating it. 5. Underlying the plan are two key themes - working in partnership with communities and joining up work across the hate crime strands to ensure that best practice in tackling hate crime is understood and drawn upon in all our work 6. The actions set out in this document have been developed through discussions with those communities most affected by hate crime. It is those communities and the organisations that represent them that often respond to hate crime at the local level, working to tackle hate crime in their area and provide support to victims. 7. This Action Plan represents a partnership between the Government, the criminal justice agencies (the Police Service, the CPS, the courts and the National Offender Management Service) and community groups representing those affected by hate crime. It has been developed with the support of the Independent Advisory Group on hate crime. 8. Delivery of the Action Plan will be overseen by a project board that brings together the criminal justice agencies and relevant government departments as well as the Independent Advisory Group on hate crime. Details: London: Home Office, 2016. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 19,. 2016 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/543679/Action_Against_Hate_-_UK_Government_s_Plan_to_Tackle_Hate_Crime_2016.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/543679/Action_Against_Hate_-_UK_Government_s_Plan_to_Tackle_Hate_Crime_2016.pdf Shelf Number: 140352 Keywords: Bias-Related CrimeHate CrimesRacial Discrimination |
Author: Trickett, Loretta Title: Hate Crime training of Police Officers in Nottingham: A Critical Review Summary: The aim of this research in Nottinghamshire was to gain a police perspective on responding to hate crime in the region. The research was designed to find out how the police were dealing with hate crime, what sorts of crime and incidents they came across, how they perceived the training provided by the force, how useful they found the hate crime risk assessment forms, how they worked with other agencies, what problems and barriers they may have encountered and how these may be tackled. It was most important to find out about these issues given a number of developments including the publication of the Government's Hate Crime Strategy (HO 2012), two CJJI (2013; 2015) inquiries into Disability Hate Crime and the publication of Police Hate Crime Strategy and Operational Guidance by The College of Policing (2014). Qualitative interviews were undertaken with both response officers and those on beat teams. Details: Nottingham, UK: Nottingham Law School, Nottingham Trent University, 2016. 225p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 28, 2016 at: http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/28089/7/5642Trickett.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/28089/7/5642Trickett.pdf Shelf Number: 140481 Keywords: Hate CrimesPolice Education and TrainingPolice Effectiveness |
Author: Oboler, Andre Title: Measuring the Hate: The State of Antisemitism in Social Media Summary: On January 9th 2015 four French Jews were killed in an attack on the Hypercacher kosher supermarket in Paris, which was targeted following the attack on the offices of Charlie Hebdo and an aborted attack on a Jewish center which left a police woman dead. On February 15th Dan Uzan, a community security volunteer, was killed outside the Great Synagogue in Copenhagen, Denmark. In Israel there were a multitude of fatal knife attacks on Jewish targets. The far right is gaining in popularity, particularly in parts of Europe, while antisemitism from parts of the Muslim and Arab world inspire self-radicalisation and violent extremism. These are just some of the results of rising antisemitism in 2015, and highlight the need for urgent action. Through the Internet, antisemitic content and messages spread across national borders, feeding not only anti-Jewish hate, but violent extremism more generally. Removing the online incitement which leads to knife attacks in Israel is part and parcel of tackling the larger problem of online incitement which has also led to a dramatic increase in attacks on refugees in Germany. Responding to the rising social media incitement and very real consequences, German prosecutors opening an investigation into the possibility of criminal liability of senior Facebook executives in late 2015. Following this move an agreement was reached between the German Government, Facebook, Google and Twitter to see content that violated German law removed within 24 hours. Facebook has since gone further and announced a project to tackle online hate in Europe. As 2016 starts it is clear we have reached a point where the status quo is no longer acceptable. Social media platforms are being clearly told by governments around the world that if they don't do better to combating incitement, hate and the use of their systems by violent extremists, government will look to legislate to impose increased regulation. Social media platforms are starting to respond, but some are doing so more effectively than others. As governments increase their efforts to tackle threats in social media, antisemitism remains a core part of the wider fight against hate speech, incitement and violent extremism. It is an area where international efforts are well established, and where experts have been working on the problem since it was first raised at the Global Forum for Combating Antisemitism in 2008. Through its Working Group on Antisemitism on the Internet and in the Media, the Global Forum for Combating Antisemitism has continued to work steadily on this problem and released a major report of recommendations and a review of work to date in 2013, and an interim version of this report in 2015. This report represents the latest research and a major step forward in efforts to tackle online antisemitism. It also lights a path for tackling other forms of online hate and incitement. Hate in social media is explored empirically, both with respect to its relative prevalence across the major platforms, and with respect to the nature of the antisemitic content. Most significantly, the rate of removal of antisemitic hate speech is reported on by social media platform and by antisemitic category over the last 10 months. The report is based on a sample totalling 2024 antisemitic items all from either Facebook, YouTube or Twitter. The categories the hate were classified into were: incitement to violence (5%), including general statements advocating death to the Jews; Holocaust denial (12%); traditional antisemitism (49%), such as conspiracy theories and racial slurs; and New Antisemitism (34%), being antisemitism related to the State of Israel as per the Working Definition of Antisemitism. The results in this report indicate significant variation in the way antisemitism is treated both between companies and also within a single company across the four categories of antisemitism. Positive responses by the platforms remain far lower than a concerned public or the governments who represent them would expect. Details: Caulfield South, Vic, AUS: Global Forum for Combating Antisemitism, 2016. 63p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 11, 2016 at: http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/ForeignPolicy/AntiSemitism/Documents/Measuring-the-Hate.pdf Year: 2016 Country: International URL: http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/ForeignPolicy/AntiSemitism/Documents/Measuring-the-Hate.pdf Shelf Number: 145409 Keywords: AntisemitismBias CrimesHate CrimesSocial Media |
Author: Coleman, Nick Title: Crime and disabled people: Measures of disability-related harassment. 2016 update Summary: The Equality and Human Rights Commission (the Commission) is a statutory body established under the Equality Act 2006. It operates independently to encourage equality and diversity, eliminate unlawful discrimination, and promote and protect human rights. The Commission enforces equality legislation on age, disability, gender reassignment, marriage and civil partnership, pregnancy and maternity, race, religion or belief, sex and sexual orientation. It encourages compliance with the Human Rights Act 1998 and is accredited by the UN as an 'A status' National Human Rights Institution. An inquiry into disability-related harassment by the Commission in 2010/11 led to the report 'Hidden in Plain Sight' (Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2011). This report found that many people who experience such harassment see it as a commonplace part of everyday life, rather than as 'hate crime'. Police records provide information about the number of such crimes that are reported. However, the number of people who experience disability-related harassment may be considerably higher. The 2012 report 'Out in the open - tackling disability-related harassment: a manifesto for change,' (Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2012) which followed the initial inquiry, noted that, while data currently available do not give a full picture of disability-related harassment, national crime surveys - specifically the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) (formerly the British Crime Survey) and the Scottish Crime and Justice Survey (SCJS) - provide information on disabled people's experiences of crime, disability hate crime, and the extent to which disabled people report crime that they have experienced. The report identified a set of six measures from these surveys that can help to gauge progress over time. In 2013, research was undertaken to analyse the statistics for these measures. The findings were published in a Commission research report on 'Crime and disabled people' (Coleman, Sykes and Walker, 2013), and used to inform the Manifesto for Change Progress Report, published in the same year (Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2013). The statistical analysis has now been updated, by Independent Social Research who carried out the 2013 analysis, and the findings are reported here for five of the original measures for which data are still collected. They, in turn, form part of 'Tackling disability-related harassment: progress report 2016' (EHRC, 2016). Details: Manchester, UK: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2016. 120p. Source: Internet Resource: Research report 103: Accessed October 14, 2016 at: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/research-report-103-crime-and-disabled-people.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/research-report-103-crime-and-disabled-people.pdf Shelf Number: 144940 Keywords: DisabilitiesDisabled PeopleHarassmentHate Crimes |
Author: Stonewall, Sam Dick Title: Homophobic hate crimes and hate incidents Summary: Homophobic hate crimes and incidents occur commonly in the everyday lives of LGB people. Too many LGB people worry about being the victim of crime and feel at risk of being a victim of hate crime. Both the experience and fear of homophobic hate crimes and incidents have a dramatic impact on the quality of life of millions of LGB people. Details: London: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2016. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Summary 38: Accessed October 17, 2016 at: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/research-summary-38-homophobic-hate-crime_0.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/research-summary-38-homophobic-hate-crime_0.pdf Shelf Number: 145076 Keywords: Bias CrimeFear of CrimeHate CrimesHomophobic Hate Crimes |
Author: Walters, Mark A. Title: Transphobic hate crime and perceptions of the criminal justice system Summary: EXCUTIVE SUMMARY - Trans* people were significantly more likely than non-trans LGB people to have been a direct victim of hate crime involving physical assaults, physical assaults with weapons, verbal abuse, and online abuse. - Trans* people were significantly more likely than non-trans LGB people to have been an indirect victim of hate crime involving physical assaults, physical assaults with weapons, verbal abuse, and online abuse. - Anti-LGBT hate crime is highly repetitive in nature for trans* people, meaning that most trans* individuals experience multiple incidents of abuse each year. - Anti-LGBT hate crime has significant impacts upon trans* people's emotions (fear, anxiety and anger) and behaviours (avoidance and proaction). - Both direct and indirect experiences of anti-LGBT hate crime effect trans* individuals' attitudes towards the police, CPS and the government more broadly. Specifically, most trans* people believed the Government should do more to combat anti-LGBT hate crimes, they felt that the police are less effective and respectful, and they have less confidence in the CPS to prosecute anti-LGBT hate crimes. Details: Brighton, UK: University of Sussex, 2015. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 1, 2016 at: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/62234/1/Transgender%20hate%20crime%20report%20-%20HoC%20inquiry.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/62234/1/Transgender%20hate%20crime%20report%20-%20HoC%20inquiry.pdf Shelf Number: 145784 Keywords: Bias-Related CrimeHate CrimesLGBT |
Author: Stoops, Michael, ed. Title: Vulnerable to Hate: A survey of hate crimes and violence committed against homeless people in 2013 Summary: In the past 15 years (1999-2013), the National Coalition for the Homeless (NCH) has documented 1,437 acts of violence against homeless individuals by housed perpetrators. These crimes are believed to have been motivated by the perpetrators' biases against homeless individuals or by their ability to target homeless people with relative ease. VULNERABLE TO HATE: A Survey of Hate Crimes Committed against the Homeless in 2013 is the 15th annual report documenting violence against people experiencing homelessness, including an array of atrocities from murder to beatings, rapes, and even mutilation. NCH found startling data in the number and severity of attacks. However, the reports also acknowledge that, since the homeless community is treated so poorly in our society, many more attacks go unreported. Hate crimes against the homeless community are part of an issue that is in growing need of public attention. Over the last 15 years, NCH has determined the following: • 1,437 reported acts of violence have been committed against homeless individuals • 375 of the victims have lost their lives as a result of the attacks • Reported violence has occurred in 47 states, Puerto Rico, and Washington, DC • Perpetrators of these attacks were generally male and under the age 30; most commonly they were teenage boys. Specifically, in 2013: • 85% of all perpetrators were under the age of 30 • 93% of all perpetrators were male • 65% of all victims were 40 years old or older • 90% of all victims were male • 18% of the attacks resulted in death VULNERABLE TO HATE: A Survey of Hate Crimes Committed against the Homeless in 2013 documents the known cases of violence against individuals experiencing homelessness by housed individuals in 2013. The report includes descriptions of the cases, current and pending legislation that would help protect homeless people, and recommendations for advocates to help prevent violence against homeless individuals. Details: Washington, DC: National Coalition for the Homeless, 2014. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 1, 2016 at: http://nationalhomeless.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Hate-Crimes-2013-1.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://nationalhomeless.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Hate-Crimes-2013-1.pdf Shelf Number: 145783 Keywords: Bias-Related CrimesHate CrimesHomeless PersonsHomelessness |
Author: Scotland. Independent Advisory Group on Hate Crime, Prejudice and Community Cohesion Title: Report of Independent Advisory Group on Hate Crime, Prejudice and Community Cohesion Summary: Recent events in Orlando and, closer to home, following the EU Referendum, demonstrate starkly that hatred and prejudice continue to have very serious consequences for people and communities across society. The Independent Advisory Group on Hate Crime, Prejudice and Community Cohesion was established last year by Scottish Ministers to advise on the current state of these issues in Scotland, and to suggest further steps to tackle these issues and build a Scotland where everyone matters. I have been privileged to undertake this work with my fellow group members. It is worth noting that the Advisory Group has been established some years after the introduction in Scotland of legislation to strengthen protections against hate crime. This is therefore an opportune moment to reflect on the journey Scotland has been on since then, and the impact of policy and legislation nationally on the lives and experiences of individuals and communities locally. The Advisory Group has been busy during its relatively short lifespan. Meetings and focus groups have enabled the Advisory Group to gain a direct understanding of the human cost of prejudice and hate crime in Scotland and its profound impact on personal lives and social cohesion. We were both moved and humbled to listen to many of these stories of trauma and resilience. The meetings underlined that facing prejudice and fear remains part of the everyday life of too many people in Scotland, escalating into direct personal violence and threat. We heard of people routinely abused on the street or on public transport, of people isolated in their own homes because they feared to go out and of verbal and physical abuse ranging from insults and catcalling on a daily basis to being spat on, or molested. We heard stories of bullying at school and in the workplace and of people frightened by the changing news agenda which seemed to blame everyone of one religious group or another. We heard of young people feeling isolated as the only member of a minority in small communities. It was clear to the Advisory Group that much of this experience remains hidden to the general public. Only those acts that are serious enough as to warrant criminal prosecution and with sufficient evidence ever reach the courts, and the sensationalism of such incidents through the media masks the deeper long-term impact of persistent lower level forms of abuse that are a continuing part of the day-to-day experience of too many. We heard of many cases where the victims of hate decided not to proceed for fear of drawing further violent attention to their circumstances and of many incidents where the absence of witnesses made prosecution difficult. Of greater concern is that we also heard of the acceptance by many people in these minority communities that a certain amount of abuse is just 'part of life'. Prejudice and hate have a huge impact on the quality of life of individuals the community to which they belong. Trust becomes more difficult, and whole families and groups withdraw into smaller circles of safety with huge consequences for the overall level of trust and social capital across the whole of society. Even worse, this degree of isolation and fear is a threat to the basic values of an open democratic society and undermines the rule of law and the principle of equality under the law. The long-term impact of social isolation is only beginning to be understood, but it is already clear that it leads to a degeneration of both the personal mental and physical health and wellbeing and this, in turn, leads to a disintegration of community cohesion. Even worse, alienation can lead directly to radicalisation and violence and contribute further to the stability of society as a whole and the quality of life of everyone. Addressing prejudice and hate crime is therefore not only an issue for minorities or those who are targeted but must be a priority concern for the whole of society. Change will require political leadership, including legal support and public policy, as well as changes in behaviour in attitudes in community and society. Our concern in this report is not to pretend to resolve these issues, but to reflect on the learning from our listening process, to analyse the research evidence and to suggest practical pathways to reduce hate, prejudice, violence, isolation and mistrust. Details: Edinburgh:The Advisory Group, 2016. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 12, 2016 at: http://www.gov.scot/Resource/0050/00506074.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.gov.scot/Resource/0050/00506074.pdf Shelf Number: 147847 Keywords: Bias CrimesHate CrimesPrejudice |
Author: Wasik, Mateusz Title: Hate Crime in Poland 2012-2016 Summary: This report has been prepared for the 3rd cycle of the Universal Periodic Review and covers the issue of protection from hate crimes (racist, xenophobic, homophobic and disablist violence) and hate speech in Poland in the years 2012- 2016. Authors refer to the recommendations accepted by Poland in the 2nd cycle of the Universal Periodic Review which have not been implemented yet. Main reasons for lack of their implementation are also presented. The report raises key issues and provides indications of some areas of concern. Specifically the report highlights: gaps in the protection of LGBT people and people with disabilities due to a lack of gender identity, disability and sexual orientation in the list of protected grounds in the hate crime provisions of the Polish Criminal Code; gaps in protection of refugees and people perceived to be refugees due to narrow understanding of the protected grounds related to race, national and ethnic origin and religion; under-reporting and under-recording of hate crimes due to low confidence in Police, low capacity of Police officers to recognize hate crimes and lack of coordination between different authorities responsible for collecting data on cases that are Policed, prosecuted and sentenced; gaps in victim rights and victim support system as there is no developed specific, publicly-funded support addressed to victims of hate crimes; lack of effective bodies which would provide forum for regular discussion and exchange of information between all stakeholders involved in countering hate crimes, i.e. authorities, Police, prosecution services, and victim support service providers. 2. To further improve the work on countering hate crime in Poland and ensure compliance of the Polish Criminal Code, other laws and relevant policies with international human rights standards and good practices, the authors make the following key recommendations to the Polish government: a. add sex, gender identity, disability and sexual orientation to the list of protected grounds in hate crime and hate speech provisions in the Criminal Code; b. amend the Criminal Code to ensure that all types of offences committed with a bias motive are investigated ex officio and attract higher penalties than crimes committed without such a motive; c. conduct awareness-raising campaign about hate crimes, particularly those based on sexual orientation, gender identity and disability; d. set up publicly funded third-party and online hate crime reporting facilities; e. introduce a system in the National Prosecutor’s Office and the Ministry of Justice where hate crime data are captured based on motivation and not legal qualification; f.conduct regular hate crime victimization surveys; g. provide a regular, well-grounded and funded consultation forum on hate crime with participation of government officials, Police, prosecutors, judges and NGOs h. ensure sufficient grounding, funding and staffing for the unit within the Ministry of Interior and Administration responsible for hate crime policy and data collection, as well as the Commissioner for Human Rights. Details: Warsaw: Lambda Warsaw, 2016. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 2, 2016 at: https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B-M0IV58Ues6OTBxN0R3am5WTmc/view Year: 2016 Country: Poland URL: https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B-M0IV58Ues6OTBxN0R3am5WTmc/view Shelf Number: 146789 Keywords: Bias-Related CrimeCrime StatisticsHate Crimes |
Author: Nandi, Alita Title: Ethnic and racial harassment and mental health: Identifying sources of resilience Summary: The enjoyment of physical safety and civil treatment in public spaces, regardless of race, ethnicity or religion, is a core right in modern democratic societies. This right is protected in the UK Equality Act of 2010, which prohibits harassment related to one’s race or religion (among other characteristics). Current evidence, however, documents that this right is not enjoyed by all: approximately one in ten ethnic minorities report ethnic and racial harassment (ERH) in the past 12 months, for some groups (Chinese men and women, Pakistani men, Indian-Sikh men, Indian-Muslim men and Bangladeshi women) this is higher, around 15%. Following the Brexit vote on 23 June 2016, the number of officially reported hate crimes has skyrocketed. Thus now it is even more important to identify ethnic minorities who are most vulnerable to ERH, the association between experiencing ERH and their mental health, and to identify potential sources of resilience to ERH. Using the most recent nationally representative survey of UK residents, Understanding Society (2009-2014), this paper attempts to answer these questions for ethnic minorities living in England. We find that ethnic minorities with lower socio-economic status and those who were born in the UK report worse mental health than better off and non-UK born minorities. Those who report experiencing ERH also report worse mental health than those who do not: a difference in mental health that is equivalent to the difference between two identical individuals whose household incomes differ by 8%. Indeed, even if ethnic minorities did not experience ERH but only anticipated it, they were still likely to report poorer mental health, although the magnitude of this association was smaller than those who experienced ERH. We next explored several potential protective characteristics for minority mental health. We found several individual and community characteristics which were positively associated with mental health. Having a friendship network comprised of one’s own ethnic group, attending religious services more frequently, and having a strong ethnic identity were positively associated with minority mental health, as well as higher levels of certain personality traits, Conscientiousness, Agreebleness and Emotional stability. Minorities living in a community with a higher proportion of co-ethnics also reported better mental health. However, we were only able to identify two factors that protected ethnic minorities against the association between ERH and poorer mental health. Among ethnic minorities who experienced ERH those who had more close friends (of any ethnicity) reported better mental health than those who had fewer friends. Similarly, the negative association between ERH and mental health was weaker for those who scored highly on the personality characteristics Conscientiousness and Openness to Experience. Additionally, we found two factors that made ethnic minorities more vulnerable rather than being protective. UK born minorities who experienced ERH reported worse mental health if they lived in areas where there were more co-ethnics. Similarly, among ethnic minorities who experienced ERH, those who frequently attended religious services reported worse mental health than those who attended religious services less regularly. This paper highlights the mental health cost of ethnic and racial harassment and identifies specific factors which make specific minority group members more or less vulnerable to harassment and its effects on mental health. Every effort should be made by the society to prevent ethnic and racial harassment and work together to find more activities and actions that can be undertaken by individuals and communities to protect ethnic minorities who do experience ethnic and racial harassment. Details: Colchester, Essex, UK: Institute for Social & Economic Research, University of Essex, 2016. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: ISER Working Paper Series 2016-14 : Accessed December 7, 2016 at: https://www.iser.essex.ac.uk/research/publications/working-papers/iser/2016-14.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.iser.essex.ac.uk/research/publications/working-papers/iser/2016-14.pdf Shelf Number: 140320 Keywords: Discrimination Harassment Hate CrimesMental Health Racial Bias |
Author: Southern Poverty Law Center Title: The Trump Effect: The Impact of The 2016 Presidential Election on Our Nation's Schools Summary: In the first days after the 2016 presidential election, the Southern Poverty Law Center's Teaching Tolerance project administered an online survey to K-12 educators from across the country. Over 10,000 teachers, counselors, administrators and others who work in schools have responded. The survey data indicate that the results of the election are having a profoundly negative impact on schools and students. Ninety percent of educators report that school climate has been negatively affected, and most of them believe it will have a long-lasting impact. A full 80 percent describe heightened anxiety and concern on the part of students worried about the impact of the election on themselves and their families. Also on the upswing: verbal harassment, the use of slurs and derogatory language, and disturbing incidents involving swastikas, Nazi salutes and Confederate flags. Details: Montgomery, AL: SPLC, 2016. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 7, 2016 at: https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/splc_the_trump_effect.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.splcenter.org/sites/default/files/splc_the_trump_effect.pdf Shelf Number: 140329 Keywords: Bias-related CrimesHarassmentHate CrimesSchool BullyingSchool Crimes |
Author: Gagliardone, Iginio Title: Countering Online Hate Speech Summary: Hate speech online is situated at the intersection of multiple tensions: it is the expression of conflicts between different groups within and across societies; it is a vivid example of how technologies with a transformative potential such as the Internet bring with them both opportunities and challenges; and it implies complex balancing between fundamental rights and principles, including freedom of expression and the defence of human dignity. As the UN agency with a specific mandate to foster freedom of expression, and its corollaries, press freedom and freedom of information, UNESCO is actively working to promote mutual knowledge and understanding of peoples, through all means of mass communication, including the Internet in general, and social networking platforms in particular. The roots of the research presented in this current publication lie in UNESCO’s fulfilment of Resolution 52 of its 37th General Conference in November 2013, as agreed by the Organization’s 195 Member States. This resolution called for a comprehensive and consultative multistakeholder study, within the mandate of UNESCO, on Internet-related issues of access to information and knowledge, freedom of expression, privacy, and the ethical dimensions of the Information Society. The research into hate speech served as a contribution towards the wider study.1 The present report provides a global overview of the dynamics characterizing hate speech online and some of the measures that have been adopted to counteract and mitigate it, highlighting good practices that have emerged at the local and global levels. While the study offers a comprehensive analysis of the international, regional and national normative frameworks developed to address hate speech online, and their repercussions for freedom of expression, it places particular emphasis on social and non-regulatory mechanisms that can help to counter the production, dissemination and impact of hateful messages online. The findings of this study can be grouped around four main tensions: definition, jurisdiction, comprehension, and intervention. ● Definition. Hate speech is a broad and contested term. Multilateral treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) have sought to define its contours. Multi-stakeholders processes (e.g. the Rabat Plan of Action) have been initiated to bring greater clarity and suggest mechanisms to identify hateful messages. And yet, hate speech continues largely to be used in everyday discourse as a generic term, mixing concrete threats to individuals’ and groups’ security with cases in which people may be simply venting their anger against authority. Internet intermediaries – organizations that mediate online communication such as Facebook, Twitter, and Google – have advanced their own definitions of hate speech that bind users to a set of rules and allow companies to limit certain forms of expression. National and regional bodies have sought to promote understandings of the term that are more rooted in local traditions. Against this backdrop, the possibility of reaching a universally shared definition seems unlikely, a shared interest to avoid violence and protect human dignity has made debates on hate speech a moment for different stakeholders to come together in original ways and seek locally relevant solutions. ● Jurisdiction. The Internet’s speed and reach makes it difficult for governments to enforce national legislation in the virtual world. Issues around hate speech online bring into clear relief the emergence of private spaces for expression that serve a public function (e.g. Facebook, Twitter), and the challenges that these spaces pose for regulators. Despite initial resistance, and following public pressure, some of the companies owning these spaces have become more responsive towards tackling the problem of hate speech online, although they have not (yet) been fully incorporated into global debates (e.g. the Rabat Plan of Action) about how to identify and respond to hate speech. ● Comprehension. The character of hate speech online and its relation to offline speech and action are poorly understood. These topics are widely talked about – by politicians, activists and academics – but the debates tend to be removed from systematic empirical evidence. The character of perceived hate speech and its possible consequences has led to placing much emphasis on the solutions to the problem and on how they should be grounded in international human rights norms. Yet this very focus has also limited deeper attempts to understand the causes underlying the phenomenon and the dynamics through which certain types of content emerge, diffuse and lead – or not – to actual discrimination, hostility or violence. This study offers various examples of research aimed at mapping the emergence and diffusion of speech online, but also highlights the lack of studies examining the links between hate speech online and other social phenomena, ranging from access to education to rising inequalities. Details: Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), 2015. 73p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 14, 2016 at: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002332/233231e.pdf Year: 2015 Country: International URL: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002332/233231e.pdf Shelf Number: 144890 Keywords: Computer CrimesHate CrimesHate SpeechInternet CrimesOnline VictimizationSocial Media |
Author: Sellars, Andrew F. Title: Defining Hate Speech Summary: There is no shortage of opinions about what should be done about hate speech, but if there is one point of agreement, it is that the topic is ripe for rigorous study. But just what is hate speech, and how will we know it when we see it online? For all of the extensive literature about the causes, harms, and responses to hate speech, few scholars have endeavored to systematically define the term. Where other areas of content analysis have developed rich methodologies to account for influences like context or bias, the present scholarship around hate speech rarely extends beyond identification of particular words or phrases that are likely to cause harm targeted toward immutable characteristics. This essay seeks to review some of the various attempts to define hate speech, and pull from them a series of traits that can be used to frame hate speech with a higher degree of confidence. In so doing, it explores the tensions between hate speech and principles of freedom of expression, both in the abstract and as they are captured in existing definitions. It also analyzes historical attempts to define the term in the United States, from the brief period of time when the United States punished hate speech directly. From this analysis, eight traits are surfaced that can be used for the development of a confidence scoring system to help ascertain whether a particular expression should be considered one of hate speech or not. Details: Cambridge, MA: Berkman Klein Center Research Publication No. 2016-20, 2016. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 14, 2016 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2882244 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2882244 Shelf Number: 144891 Keywords: Hate CrimesHate Speech |
Author: Roshani, Niousha Title: Grassroots Perspectives on Hate Speech, Race, & Inequality in Brazil & Colombia Summary: Across Latin America, online and digitally mediated racist speech directed at Afro-descendant youth has intensified existing racial stigma and contributed to the marginalization of minority groups in both online and offline contexts. Racist speech is not a new phenomenon in the region. However, such speech is often amplified through digital media platforms, including social media, and some claim its increasing prevalence may be contributing to the normalization of racism. While racist speech online is prominent in both Brazil and Colombia, studies focused on Latin America are extremely limited and have addressed the overarching theme of online hate speech. Through interviews with leaders of civil society organizations (CSOs) and a review of existing literature, this study discusses efforts and interventions that CSOs have employed to counter racial stigma faced by the collective population of Afro-descendant youth in an attempt to understand and examine signs of impact related to hate speech in Brazil and Colombia, distinct from existing overarching studies of online hate speech. Informed by in-depth conversations with practitioners working in the field, and working closely with collaborating institutions that directly serve Afro-descendent youth, the case study presents an overview of the environment and context within which Afro-descendent youth impacted by racist speech exist. The interviews illustrate that most CSOs view digital racism as an extension of historical racial inequality. This case study documents the efforts of CSOs in the region who are helping to support the actions of young Afro-descendants to occupy roles historically denied to them, thereby deconstructing negative perceptions and re-claiming representations of their identities and realities. Details: Cambridge, MA: Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society Research, 2016. 22p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Publication No. 2016-18: Accessed December 14, 2016 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2882234 Year: 2016 Country: Latin America URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2882234 Shelf Number: 144912 Keywords: Hate CrimesHate SpeechInequalityRacial BiasRacial Discrimination |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "Like Walking Through a Hailstorm": Discrimination against LGBT Youth in US Schools Summary: In 2001, Human Rights Watch published Hatred in the Hallways, a report that documented widespread bullying and harassment of LGBT students in the United States. Fifteen years later, research in Alabama, Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Texas, and Utah demonstrates that many LGBT youth across the country remain unsafe and unwelcome in their schools. Drawing from interviews with over 500 students, teachers, administrators, parents, and service providers, "Like Walking Through a Hailstorm" documents how bullying and harassment, exclusion from school curricula and resources, restrictions on LGBT student groups, and discrimination and bigotry jeopardize the rights and well-being of LGBT youth. It urges federal, state, and local officials to take meaningful steps to curb bullying and discrimination, recognize and affirm LGBT youth, and foster environments where all students are able to participate and learn. Details: New York: HRW, 2016. 115p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2017 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/uslgbt1216web_2.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/uslgbt1216web_2.pdf Shelf Number: 144919 Keywords: BullyingDiscriminationHarassmentHate CrimesLGBTSchool Bullying |
Author: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) Title: Current migration situation in the EU: hate crime Summary: Asylum seekers and migrants face various forms of violence and harassment across the European Union (EU). As this month's report on the migration situation underscores, such acts are both perpetrated and condoned by state authorities, private individuals, as well as vigilante groups. They increasingly also target activists and politicians perceived as 'pro-refugee'. Meanwhile, a lack of relevant data is hampering efforts to develop effective measures to prevent these incidents. Outlining recent attacks in 14 EU Member States, this focus of the November report also examines the diverse factors that undermine the reporting of such incidents and highlights promising practices seeking to counter them. Details: Vienna: FRA, 2016. 19p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 30, 2017 at: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/fra-2016-november-monthly-focus-hate-crime_en.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/fra-2016-november-monthly-focus-hate-crime_en.pdf Shelf Number: 145998 Keywords: Asylum SeekersBias CrimesHate CrimesImmigrantsRefugeesVigilantism |
Author: Burnett, Jon Title: Racial Violence and the Brexit State Summary: The explosion of racist violence that followed the announcement of the EU referendum result on 24 June 2016 has been well-documented. Though the political direction of travel in the UK on issues of immigration, race, religion and refugee policy has largely been disconnected from that violence, the sheer level of racist abuse and attacks could not be ignored. Home Secretary Amber Rudd, launching a hate crime strategy a few days after the referendum, declared that hate crimes were 'utterly unacceptable' and must be 'stamped out'. Former Prime Minister David Cameron described the situation as 'despicable', while the new one, Theresa May, said that hate 'has no place in the UK'. For Metropolitan police chief Bernard Hogan-Howe, the 2,300 (plus) racist incidents reported to the police in the thirty-eight days after the referendum, was a 'horrible spike'. This briefing paper is an attempt to restore much needed context to the 'hate crime' debate. Too many people in power, including those who supported the October 2016 Hate Crime Awareness Week, condemn racism because they pass it off as the actions of an insecure, badly-educated and thuggish minority. Verbal and physical abuse is treated almost like an act of nature or some inexplicable force – the explosive reaction of inadequate individuals. But when laws, policies and procedures are related back to explain the baseline for hateful acts, our legislators are not so keen to listen. Details: London: Institute of Race Relations, 2016. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 20, 2017 at: http://www.irr.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Racial-violence-and-the-Brexit-state-final.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.irr.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/Racial-violence-and-the-Brexit-state-final.pdf Shelf Number: 146689 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimeBrexitHate CrimesRacist Violence |
Author: International Crisis Group Title: The Dark Side of Transition: Violence Against Muslims in Myanmar Summary: Following the outbreak of deadly intercommunal clashes in Rakhine State in 2012, anti-Muslim violence has spread to other parts of Myanmar. The depth of anti-Muslim sentiment in the country, and the inadequate response of the security forces, mean that further clashes are likely. Unless there is an effective government response and change in societal attitudes, violence could spread, impacting on Myanmar's transition as well as its standing in the region and beyond. The violence has occurred in the context of rising Burman-Buddhist nationalism, and the growing influence of the monk-led "969" movement that preaches intolerance and urges a boycott of Muslim businesses. This is a dangerous combination: considerable pent-up frustration and anger under years of authoritarianism are now being directed towards Muslims by a populist political force that cloaks itself in religious respectability and moral authority. Anti-Indian and anti-Muslim violence is nothing new in Myanmar. It is rooted in the country's colonial history and demographics, and the rise of Burman nationalism in that context. Deadly violence has erupted regularly in different parts of the country in the decades since. But the lifting of authoritarian controls and the greater availability of modern communications mean that there is a much greater risk of the violence spreading. Among the most discriminated against populations in Myanmar is the Muslim community in northern Rakhine State, the Rohingya. Most are denied citizenship, and face severe restrictions on freedom of movement as well as numerous abusive policies. In June and October 2012, clashes between Buddhists and Muslims in Rakhine State left almost 200 people dead and around 140,000 displaced, the great majority of them Muslims. Communities remain essentially segregated to this day, and the humanitarian situation is dire. In early 2013, the violence spread to central Myanmar. The worst incident occurred in the town of Meiktila, where a dispute at a shop led to anti-Muslim violence. The brutal killing of a Buddhist monk sharply escalated the situation, with two days of riots by a 1,000-strong mob resulting in widespread destruction of Muslim neighbourhoods, and leaving at least 44 people dead, including twenty students and several teachers massacred at an Islamic school. There has been strong domestic and international criticism of the police response. In Rakhine State, the police – who are overwhelmingly made up of Rakhine Buddhists – reportedly had little ability to stop the attacks, and there are allegations of some being complicit in the violence. The army, once it was deployed, performed better. In Meiktila, the police were apparently incapable of controlling the angry crowds that gathered outside the shop, and were hopelessly outnumbered and ineffective when the clashes rapidly escalated. The violence has regional implications. There has been a sharp increase in the number of Muslims making the treacherous journey by boat from Rakhine State to other countries in the region, prompting public criticism from some of those countries. The intercommunal tensions have also spilled over Myanmar's borders, with the murders of Myanmar Buddhists in Malaysia, and related violence in other countries. There have also been threats of jihad against Myanmar, and plots and attacks against Myanmar or Buddhist targets in the region. As Myanmar prepares to take over the rotating chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014, this could become a serious political issue. The Myanmar government understands what is at stake. President Thein Sein has spoken publicly on the dangers of the violence, and announced a "zero-tolerance" approach. The police response has been improving somewhat, with faster and more effective interventions bringing incidents under control more quickly. And after some delay, perpetrators of these crimes are being prosecuted and imprisoned, although there are concerns that Buddhists sometimes appear to be treated more leniently. But much more needs to be done. Beyond improved riot-control training and equipment for police, broader reform of the police service is necessary so that it can be more effective and trusted, particularly at the community level, including officers from ethnic and religious minorities. This is only just starting. The government and society at large must also do more to combat extremist rhetoric, in public, in the media and online. At a moment of historic reform and opening, Myanmar cannot afford to become hostage to intolerance and bigotry. Details: Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2013. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 22, 2017 at: https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/the-dark-side-of-transition-violence-against-muslims-in-myanmar.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Burma URL: https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/the-dark-side-of-transition-violence-against-muslims-in-myanmar.pdf Shelf Number: 146641 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesIntoleranceMuslimsViolence |
Author: Liggett, Roberta Title: Social Media Impacts Behavior and Norms Summary: On social media, a recognized set of norms have not caught up with the speed in which social media has been adopted into our lives, leading to ambiguity concerning what behavior is appropriate. This paper explores the unique features of social media and their impact on behavior and social norm creation. Understanding the unique landscape of social media will assist others in understanding why problematic behavior—such as cyberbullying, threats, prejudice, violence, and harassment—continue to be pervasive in this space and what steps stakeholders can take to change norms and create a positive online environment for expression, engagement, and connection. Details: New York: Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, 2016. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: White Paper: Accessed March 21, 2017 at: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/social-media-impacts-behavior-norms.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://www.nycrimecommission.org/pdfs/social-media-impacts-behavior-norms.pdf Shelf Number: 144524 Keywords: Anti-Social Behavior Cyberbullyint Hate CrimesOnline Victimization Social Media |
Author: Machado, Marta Rodriguez de Assis Title: Punitive Anti-Racism Laws in Brazil: An Overview of the Enforcement of Law by Brazilian Courts Summary: This paper presents the main results of research on judicial decisions connected to the enforcement of punitive anti-racism laws in by Brazilian appeal courts. We analyzed 200 decisions from 1998 to 2010 which are available through the online databases of the appeal courts of nine Brazilian States: namely Acre, Bahia, Mato Grosso do Sul, Paraiba, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, Rondonia, Rio Grande do Sul and Sao Paulo. The data presented allow us to diagnosis how the Brazilian judiciary deals with racism and racial discrimination and to understand the potential and limitations of existing legal instruments to confront the social problem of racism in Brazil. In the paper's introduction, we will carry out a brief review of Brazilian punitive anti-racism laws, address some literature on the subject and, then, shift our focus to the specific legal provisions that regulate such crimes. In Section 2, we will explain our methodological choices and advance conclusions regarding the interpretation of the data. In Section Three, we will present our main quantitative findings. In the conclusion, we will discuss the implications of these findings, while raising some important issues regarding the strategy of juridificating racism via criminal law. Ultimately, we will posit future developments of this research agenda Details: Unpublished paper, 2014. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2017 at: http://www.law.columbia.edu/sites/default/files/microsites/public-research-leadership/marta_macho_-_punitive_anti-racism_laws_in_brazil.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Brazil URL: http://www.law.columbia.edu/sites/default/files/microsites/public-research-leadership/marta_macho_-_punitive_anti-racism_laws_in_brazil.pdf Shelf Number: 145233 Keywords: Bias CrimesDiscriminationHate CrimesRacism |
Author: Zakaria, Rafia Title: Hate and Incriminate: The U.S. Election, Social Media, and American Muslims Summary: In the grim days following the mass shooting in Orlando, Florida, news commentator and retired Lieutenant Colonel Ralph Peters appeared on Fox News, saying: "Not all Muslims are terrorists, but virtually all terrorists are Muslim." Peters's statement represents the sort of venomous rhetoric that has emerged all too often this election. Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump has put an immigration ban on Muslims at the core of his nativist pitch to voters, alleging that American Muslims and mosques are knowingly harboring terrorists. While many Americans, including President Obama, have spoken out against Trump's characterization of American Muslims as terrorists, there has been little opposition to the premise that all terrorists are Muslims. The prevalence of Islamophobia has been coupled with a selective definition of terror under US law, contributing to the belief that all terrorists are Muslims and hence that all Muslims be viewed with suspicion, justifiably hated, excoriated, and even banned. At the same time, amplification by social media reinforces hostile political rhetoric, making legislative reform that protects Muslims as effectively as the rest of the population more difficult. This paper dissects the premise that terror is a particularly Muslim problem and analyzes the key role that social media is playing in this issue. The paper begins with a quantitative snapshot of both antiMuslim and anti-Islamophobic Google searches and statements made on social media. It then moves to a qualitative analysis of the low rates of reporting and prosecution of hate crimes against Muslims, paying particular attention to differing standards of proof required for these prosecutions. The second section looks at terror prosecutions of Muslims, noting how speech - and especially online speech - is treated very differently by courts when it involves Muslim American defendants and the mere possibility of terror connections. In paying particular attention to prosecutions under the Material Support for Terrorism Statute, we note how concerns raised in the prosecutorial context of hate crimes (such as requirements of intent and purposefulness) are summarily discarded when they arise in relation to terrorism cases. Details: New York: Tow Center for Digital Journalism Columbia Journalism School, 2016. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 12, 2017 at: http://cjrarchive.org/img/posts/US%20Election%2C%20Social%20Media%2C%20and%20American%20Muslims%20%28Zakaria%29.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://cjrarchive.org/img/posts/US%20Election%2C%20Social%20Media%2C%20and%20American%20Muslims%20%28Zakaria%29.pdf Shelf Number: 145455 Keywords: DiscriminationHate CrimesMediaMuslimsSocial MediaTerrorismTerrorists |
Author: Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Home Affairs Committee Title: Hate Crime: Abuse, hate and extremism online Summary: Hate crime 1. Hate crime is defined as any criminal offence which is perceived, by the victim or any other person, to be motivated by hostility or prejudice based on a personal characteristic. Hate crime can be motivated by disability, gender identity, race, religion or faith and sexual orientation. The inquiry 2. We announced this inquiry into hate crime and its violent consequences in early July 2016. Our decision to undertake the inquiry followed the murder of Jo Cox MP in June in the lead-up to the EU referendum. There was also evidence of an increase in the number of attacks on people from ethnic minorities and of non-British nationality, including on their community centres and places of worship, immediately following the referendum. In addition, our inquiry into antisemitism was already under way, which was raising serious questions about how to address wider issues around the actions of those holding extremist or fixated views. It therefore seemed particularly timely and necessary to launch this inquiry. 3. We have received a large volume of written evidence. We have taken oral evidence on a wide range of issues including Islamophobia, misogyny, far-right extremism, the role of social media in hate crime and the particular issues faced by Members of Parliament in relation to hate crime and its violent manifestations. Our witnesses have included academics, community organisations, social media companies, police forces and their representative organisations, the principal Deputy Speaker of the House of Commons, and Ministers. We are grateful to everyone who has contributed to the inquiry. 4. The announcement by the Prime Minister on 18 April that she would seek a General Election on 8 June means that we have not had time to consider our conclusions on the wide range of issues raised during the inquiry. We hope that the Home Affairs Select Committee in the next Parliament is able to consider this evidence further and propose wider recommendations on tackling hate crime and some of the central issues that emerged in our hearings, including far-right extremism and islamophobia. We are publishing this short report in the meantime to address one aspect of our inquiry - the role of social media companies in addressing hate crime and illegal content online - on which we have taken considerable evidence and where we want our conclusions to inform the early decisions of the next Government, as well as the immediate work of social media companies. 5. We also wished to record our deep sadness about the tragic death of Jo Cox MP and we hope that in the next Parliament the Home Affairs Committee will also look further at the risks from hate, abuse and extremism in public life. Details: London: House of Commons, 2017. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Fourteenth Report of Session 2016-17: Accessed May 16, 2017 at: https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmhaff/609/609.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201617/cmselect/cmhaff/609/609.pdf Shelf Number: 145484 Keywords: ExtremismExtremist GroupsFar-Right ExtremismHate CrimesIslamophobiaOnline VictimizationSocial Media |
Author: Human Rights Campaign Foundation Title: Addressing Anti-Transgender Violence: Exploring Realities, Challenges and Solutions for Policymakers and Community Advocates Summary: The joint report, Addressing Anti-Transgender Violence: Exploring Realities, Challenges and Solutions for Policymakers and Community Advocates, comes in a year when at least 21 transgender people have been killed - the most reported since 2006 when advocates began working to track reported homicides of transgender people across the United States. "There are now more transgender homicide victims in 2015 than in any other year that advocates have recorded. At least 21 people - nearly all of them transgender women of color - have lost their lives to violence," said HRC President Chad Griffin. "This kind of violence is often motivated by anti-transgender bias; but that is rarely the only factor. At a time when transgender people are finally gaining visibility and activists are forcing our country to confront systemic violence against people of color, transgender women of color are facing an epidemic of violence that occurs at the intersections of racism, sexism and transphobia - issues that advocates can no longer afford to address separately." Details: New York: Human Rights Campaign, 2015. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 16, 2017 at: http://hrc-assets.s3-website-us-east-1.amazonaws.com//files/assets/resources/HRC-AntiTransgenderViolence-0519.pdf?_ga=2.95631324.1157423806.1494945355-63108711.1494945187 Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://hrc-assets.s3-website-us-east-1.amazonaws.com//files/assets/resources/HRC-AntiTransgenderViolence-0519.pdf?_ga=2.95631324.1157423806.1494945355-63108711.1494945187 Shelf Number: 145487 Keywords: Bias CrimeHate CrimesHomicidesTransgender Peoples |
Author: Campaign Against Antisemitism Title: National Antisemitic Crime Audit: 2016 in Review Summary: The 2016 National Antisemitic Crime Audit registered a total of 1,078 anti-Semitic crimes, including 105 that were violent - about one in 10. Only one of the violent crimes was prosecuted, according to the audit. In total, only 15 cases were prosecuted, leading to the conviction of 17 suspects, according to the Campaign Against Antisemitism. In 2015, 12 anti-Semitic crimes were prosecuted, of which three involved violence, leading to 17 convictions. In 2016, 89 anti-Semitic crimes, or 8.3 percent, resulted in charges being brought. In nearly half the cases of anti-Semitic crimes, police did not find enough evidence to support charges, according to the Campaign Against Antisemitism, or CAA. The previous year, there were 938 anti-Semitic crimes, according to CAA. In its recommendations, the CAA called for specific training and guidance on anti-Semitic hate crimes for officers and prosecutors, instructing Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary to review all the police forces' responses to anti-Semitic crime, appoint a senior officer fromeach force to oversee the response to anti-Semitic hate crime, and require the Crown Prosecution Service to record and regularly publish details of cases involving anti-Semitism and their outcomes, as police forces are already required to do. Anti-Semitic crime has already been a factor in the initial months of 2017, with incidents including the firebombing of kosher restaurants in Manchester, a man stopped by police after chasing Jews in London brandishing a meat cleaver and machete, and police closing down London streets to make way for a major pro-Hezbollah march. The CAA only began keeping statistics in 2014, though other outlets such as the Community Security Trust have been releasing figures for much longer. In February, the CST reported a record 1,309 incidents in 2016, constituting a 36 percent increase over the 2015 tally. Details: London: The Campaign, 2017. 730, Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 5, 2017 at: https://antisemitism.uk/crime/#latest-edition Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://antisemitism.uk/crime/#latest-edition Shelf Number: 146741 Keywords: Bias-Related CrimesDiscriminationHate Crimes |
Author: Ralsmark, Hilda Title: Media visibility and social tolerance: Evidence from USA Summary: I study the impact of media visibility of people of colour on the rate of hate crimes motivated by race or ethnicity in the United States. To do so, I construct a novel measure of state-level media visibility of people of colour between 2007 and 2013. Comparing state-level variation in the hate crime rate with a measure of the one-year lagged state-level variation in media visibility, I find that an increase in media visibility reduces the number of hate crimes. The effect is not larger in states that used to be pro-slavery, but larger in states that are more prone to spontaneous emotional outbursts of hate. The result, which is robust to several checks, is in the line with the argument that "visibility matters." Details: Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg, 2017. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper in Economics No. 703: Accessed September 9, 2017 at: https://gupea.ub.gu.se/bitstream/2077/53014/1/gupea_2077_53014_1.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://gupea.ub.gu.se/bitstream/2077/53014/1/gupea_2077_53014_1.pdf Shelf Number: 147201 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate CrimesMass MediaMedia and Crime |
Author: Chakraborti, Neil Title: Public authority commitment and action to eliminate targeted harassment and violence Summary: 'How Fair is Britain?', the Equality and Human Rights Commission's (the Commission's) first Triennial Review of inequality in 2010, identified targeted harassment as one of the most important challenges to human rights, equality and good relations facing Britain today. The Commission uses the term 'targeted harassment and violence' (hereafter referred to as targeted harassment) to describe any unwanted conduct, violence, harassment, or abuse targeted at a person because of their age, disability, gender, race, religion or belief, sexual orientation, transgender status or a combination of these characteristics. The reality faced by many people across Britain is one of being targeted on a daily basis because of who they are. The Commission initiated this project in January 2010, to examine public authority action to eliminate targeted harassment. At that time, the evidence base on public authorities' responses to targeted harassment was unsystematic and underdeveloped. When the research was conducted, public authorities were expected to prevent harassment as a result of different forms of disability, gender and race equality legislation. The Equality Act 2010 introduced a new Public Sector Equality Duty from April 2011. It applies in England, Scotland and Wales. This duty covers age, disability, gender, gender reassignment, marriage and civil partnership, pregnancy and maternity, race, religion and belief and sexual orientation and will ensure that public authorities have due regard to the need to: - eliminate unlawful discrimination, harassment, victimisation and any other conduct that is prohibited by or under this Act; - advance equality of opportunity between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it; and - foster good relations between persons who share a relevant protected characteristic and persons who do not share it. The public authorities included in the research were those in the criminal justice system, including the Police, Probation, Crown Prosecution Services/Crown Office Prosecutor Fiscal Service, and additionally, Local Authorities, Registered Social Landlords (RSLs) and Passenger Transport Executives. Details: Manchester, UK: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2011. 171p. Source: Internet Resource: Research report 74: Accessed September 28, 2017 at: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/rr74_targeted_harassment.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/rr74_targeted_harassment.pdf Shelf Number: 131583 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimeDiscriminationHarassmentHate CrimesInequality |
Author: Coleman, Nick Title: Crime and disabled people: Baseline statistical analysis of measures from the formal legal inquiry into disability-related harassment Summary: The Commission's inquiry into disability-related harassment in 2010/11 found that many people who experience such harassment see it as a commonplace part of everyday life, rather than as 'hate crime'. Police records provide numbers of crimes that are reported to and recorded by the police, but the number of people who experience disability-related harassment may be considerably higher. The 'Manifesto for Change', which followed the initial inquiry, noted that, while the data currently available do not provide a full picture of disability-related harassment, crime surveys do provide data on disabled people's experiences of crime, disability hate crime more specifically, and the extent to which disabled people report crime that they have experienced. The Manifesto for Change identified a set of measures from these surveys that can help to gauge progress over time. This report sets out data on the following six measures, primarily in relation to disabled people: - Number of victims of hate crimes (Measure 1); - Proportion of disability-related crime incidents reported to the police (Measure 2); - Reasons why the police did not come to know about the matter (Measure 3); - Satisfaction with police handling of crime incidents (Measure 4); - Experience of any crime in the previous 12 months (Measure 5); - Worry about being a victim of crime (Measure 6). This report provides baseline data for disabled people in England and Wales and, where available, for Scotland, in respect of these six measures, together with followup data that show changes over time. Details: Manchester, UK: Equality and Human Rights Commission, 2013. 113p. Source: Internet Resource: Research report 90: Accessed September 28, 2017 at: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/research-report-90-crime-and-disabled-people.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/research-report-90-crime-and-disabled-people.pdf Shelf Number: 131626 Keywords: Disabilities Disabled People Harassment Hate Crimes |
Author: European Parliament. Directorate-General for Internal Policies. Policy Department C Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs Title: Towards A Comprehensive EU Protection System for Minorities Summary: This study, commissioned by the European Parliaments Policy Department for Citizens Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, examines the added value of developing a democratic rule of law and fundamental rights-based approach to the protection of minorities in the EU legal system, from an intersectional viewpoint. It presents the state of play regarding the main challenges characterising the protection of ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities in a selection of 11 European countries, in light of existing international and regional legal standards. Minority protection has been an EU priority in enlargement processes as a conditional criterion for candidate countries to accede to the Union. Yet a similar scrutiny mechanism is lacking after accession. The study puts forward several policy options to address this gap. It suggests specific ways in which a Union Pact for democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights, could help to ensure a comprehensive EU approach to minority protection. Details: Brussels: European Parliament, 2017. 182p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 29, 2017 at: https://www.ceps.eu/system/files/ProtectionSystemForMinorities.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Europe URL: https://www.ceps.eu/system/files/ProtectionSystemForMinorities.pdf Shelf Number: 147507 Keywords: Bias-Motivated Crime Discrimination Hate CrimesMinorities Minority Groups |
Author: Staetsky, L. Daniel Title: Antisemitism in contemporary Great Britain: A Study of Attitudes Towards Jews and Israel Summary: This study takes an in-depth look at attitudes towards Jews and Israel among the population of Great Britain, both across society as a whole, and in key subgroups within the population, notably the far-left, the far-right, Christians and Muslims. It introduces the concept of the 'elastic view' of antisemitism, arguing that as antisemitism is an attitude, it exists at different scales and levels of intensity. Thus no single figure can capture the level of antisemitism in society, and all figures need to be carefully explained and understood. It finds that only a small proportion of British adults can be categorised as 'hard-core' antisemites - approximately 2% - yet antisemitic ideas can be found at varying degrees of intensity across 30% of British society. Whilst this categorically does not mean that 30% of the British population is antisemitic, it does demonstrate the outer boundary of the extent to which antisemitic ideas live and breathe in British society. As such, it goes some way towards explaining why British Jews appear to be so concerned about antisemitism, as the likelihood of them encountering an antisemitic idea is much higher than that suggested by simple measures of antisemitic individuals. In this way, the research draws an important distinction between 'counting antisemites' and 'measuring antisemitism' - the counts for each are very different from one another, and have important implications for how one tackles antisemitism going forward. The research finds that levels of anti-Israelism are considerably higher than levels of anti-Jewish feeling, and that the two attitudes exist both independently of one another and separately. However, the research also demonstrates that the greater the intensity of anti-Israel attitude, the more likely it is to be accompanied by antisemitic attitudes as well. Looking at subgroups within the population, the report finds that levels of antisemitism and anti-Israelism among Christians are no different from those found across society as a whole, but among Muslims they are considerably higher on both counts. On the political spectrum, levels of antisemitism are found to be highest among the far-right, and levels of anti-Israelism are heightened across all parts of the left-wing, but particularly on the far-left. In all cases, the higher the level of anti-Israelism, the more likely it is to be accompanied by antisemitism. Yet, importantly, most of the antisemitism found in British society exists outside of these three groups - the far-left, far-right and Muslims; even at its most heightened levels of intensity, only about 15% of it can be accounted for by them. Details: London: Institute for Jewish Policy Research, 2017. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 4, 2017 at: http://archive.jpr.org.uk/object-uk450 Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://archive.jpr.org.uk/object-uk450 Shelf Number: 147546 Keywords: AntisemitismBias-Motivated CrimeHate CrimesPublic Attitudes |
Author: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) Title: Second European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey (EU-MIDIS II) Roma - Selected findings Summary: Highlighting persisting barriers to employment, education, housing and health services, this report also reveals that four out of 10 Roma surveyed felt discriminated against at least once in the past five years - yet only a fraction pursued the incident. While sobering, this report presents vital information that can serve as a unique resource for policymakers committed to ensuring that Roma are treated equally with respect to their fundamental rights. The report is based on a survey that collected information on almost 34,000 persons living in Roma households in nine European Union (EU) Member States, derived from nearly 8,000 face-to-face interviews with Roma. It presents a selection of results from FRA's Second European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey (EU-MIDIS II), which surveyed around 26,000 people with immigrant or ethnic minority background living in the EU. The European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey is a major part of the agency's commitment to collecting and publishing data on groups not covered in general population surveys. It is the third survey of the agency to focus on Roma. Details: Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2016. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 5, 2017 at: http://fra.europa.eu/en/publication/2016/eumidis-ii-roma-selected-findings Year: 2016 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/en/publication/2016/eumidis-ii-roma-selected-findings Shelf Number: 147560 Keywords: Discrimination Ethnic MinoritiesHarassment Hate CrimesRoma |
Author: Northern Ireland Criminal Justice Inspection Title: Hate Crime: An Inspection of the Criminal Justice System's Response to Hate Crime in Northern Ireland Summary: In Northern Ireland during 2016, there were over eight hate incidents reported to the police every single day. These equated to almost six (5.94) recorded hate crimes. When population is considered, this figure is higher than the equivalent rate in England and Wales (5.47) . Hate incidents are greatly underreported so the true rate of incidents perpetrated against people because they are perceived to be different in some way is much higher. Turning attitudes into behaviour, such as violence, based on skin colour, sexual identity, age, religion, nationality and other features used to label people is plainly wrong but not uncommon. This report looked into how hate crime in Northern Ireland was dealt with across the justice system. The statistics used to illustrate the report were those outlining hate crime reported during the 2015-16 financial year. Findings The prevalence and impacts of hate crime cannot be dealt with by the criminal justice system in isolation. Organisations within the system had worked together to align approaches and apply standard definitions in an effort to ensure a seamless service to victims. The Unite against Hate project and the Hate Crime Delivery Group (HCDG) had been instrumental in sharing practices across and beyond the criminal justice system itself. Organisations should ensure their continued support of these groups by committing staff at the appropriate level to attend group meetings. The Department of Justice (DoJ) approach to hate crime was contained within its Community Safety Strategy but there were no effective links to an overarching Northern Ireland Executive policy, such as 'Together: Building United Communities' (T:BUC) which would provide leadership at the highest level of government. The legislative approach to hate crime was not directly comparable across the United Kingdom (UK). A review of hate crime legislation in Northern Ireland would establish whether changes are required. England and Wales had statutory hate crimes of assault and damage, enhanced sentencing powers and relevant public order offences. In Scotland, there was a statutory obligation for hate crime cases to be opened and recorded as such in court. Most reports of hate crime forwarded by the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) for prosecution decisions were in the 'aggravated by hostility' category with only a small number of the statutory public order hate crimes reported. Most criminal justice organisations had developed hate crime strategies, supported by internal governance arrangements. However, the Northern Ireland Prison Service (NIPS) and Youth Justice Agency (YJA) did not have hate crime specific strategies. Underreporting was acknowledged by the criminal justice organisations. Systems and process improvements by the police and prosecution service, outreach work and the support of hate crime advocates meant that knowledge among vulnerable communities of how and what to report had increased. However, not all potential victims engaged with support networks and victims spoken to by Inspectors identified many incidents which went unreported. This distorted the true picture of hate incidents and potentially impacted the effectiveness of police responses. Interpreter services were readily available and there was no suggestion that the standard of interpreters was an issue. However, investigation of hate crime required precise legal and technical language. No specific work had been undertaken with interpreter services to enhance skills specific to translating for hate crime, which added to the already high number of substantial barriers facing victims. The quality of hate crime files forwarded by the PSNI to the Public Prosecution Service for Northern Ireland (PPS) had been recognised as an area for improvement but enhanced measures to tackle this had not been operating long enough to assess their effectiveness at the time of inspection. Court recording of instances of enhanced sentencing had improved. However, there remained a risk that in busy Magistrates' and Youth Courts, the recording of enhanced sentences would be missed. The number of perpetrators receiving prison sentences was low. Support for victims of hate crime, following court cases rested mainly with the voluntary and community sector. Expansion of the hate crime advocacy service to include supporting victims at this stage would provide a more holistic service which may help improve future reporting rates. The NIPS used a generalist approach, supported by its anti-bullying policy, to deal with incidents of hate crime. This made it difficult to determine the extent of hate crime being perpetrated within the prison environment. The Probation Board for Northern Ireland (PBNI) had established a programme, Accepting Differences, following a pilot scheme. Numbers undertaking the programme were low, but Inspectors regarded the development as a positive one, challenging offenders' stereotypical attitudes and behaviour. Victims' views on how offenders were dealt with were generally based on their wish for the offending behaviour to be stopped. Victims were focused on the prevention of further instances of hate crime and favoured restorative approaches, such as education on the benefits of cultural and other differences. Inspectors believe that this will only be achieved when a hate crime strategy, becomes an integral part of an overall Northern Ireland Executive social cohesion strategy, robustly led and monitored using outcome based accountability measures. Details: Belfast: Criminal Justice Inspection Northern Ireland, 2017. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 18, 2018 at: http://www.cjini.org/getattachment/a48b8a89-f32f-4b02-bd3c-8f77989630eb/picture.aspx Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.cjini.org/getattachment/a48b8a89-f32f-4b02-bd3c-8f77989630eb/picture.aspx Shelf Number: 148861 Keywords: BiasCrime StatisticsHate CrimesVictim ServicesVictims of Crime |
Author: Alderson, Melissa Title: Review of Hate Crime Prevention, Response, and Reporting in Seattle: Phase 1 Report Summary: Background In response to a 2016 increase of reported hate crimes and hate incidents in Seattle, City Councilmember Lisa Herbold asked our office to audit the City of Seattle's (City) handling of hate crimes. We are completing this audit in two phases, with this first report focusing on how the Seattle Police Department uses hate crime data and the practices and processes the City follows to identify, respond to, and prevent hate crimes. The second phase report will address how the City can improve its use of hate crime data and will provide an analysis of the extent to which reported hate crimes have resulted in prosecution. What We Found The three departments involved in this audit - the Seattle Police Department (SPD), the Seattle Office for Civil Rights (SOCR), and Seattle Public Utilities (SPU), have taken steps to strengthen prevention, response, and reporting efforts of hate crimes in Seattle. SPD has a dedicated Bias Crimes Coordinator who conducts criminal investigations, creates detailed reports, participates in community outreach, and serves as a resource for SPD staff and the public. Hate crime data are available online in an interactive dashboard. Efforts such as these represent leading practices. However, we identified five areas in which the City could improve its hate crime efforts: 1. Changes in SPD reporting procedures would help ensure hate crimes are more appropriately recorded and investigated. Between 2012 and 2016, an annual average of 17,000 SPD general offense reports were given the bias category "unknown." This may have resulted in SPD under-counting hate crimes. In addition, we found four bias categories (age, parental status, marital status, and political ideology) were never added to SPD's records management system to accommodate the Malicious Harassment Seattle Municipal Code. In July 2017, SPD made changes to address these hate crime reporting issues. 2. SPD patrol officers would benefit from regular formal training and improved guidance on hate crimes. Although police officers in the State of Washington receive some hate crime training at the Basic Law Enforcement Academy, SPD does not provide any hate crime training to its officers as a refresher or to build on the Academy training. Training is crucial for police officers to accurately identify a hate crime and respond appropriately. 3. More sophisticated use of data could inform hate crime prevention efforts. Although SPD has used some data to focus its community outreach efforts, there are opportunities to apply more sophisticated data analysis to direct the City's hate crime prevention and response activities, such as analyzing community characteristics, incidents, victims, offenders, locations, and times. 4. Increased coordination among City departments would improve hate crime prevention and response efforts. The City of Seattle has three departments that can receive reports of hate crimes or noncriminal hate incidents: SPD, SOCR, and SPU. Improved coordination among these departments through the regular sharing of data and information could result in a more consistent and unified response for Seattle's residents and visitors. 5. Regional coordination of hate crime response efforts will promote efficiency and improved response efforts. Although many states around the country provide statewide information on hate crimes and convene multi-agency groups, we found that hate crime response and prevention efforts in Washington are typically handled within the boundaries of a city or county. Regional coordination could provide efficiency in training among law enforcement, and improved prevention efforts by the sharing of successful anti-hate strategies. Details: Seattle: Seattle Office of City Auditor, 2017. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 19, 2018 at: https://www.seattle.gov/Documents/Departments/CityAuditor/auditreports/Hate%20Crime%20Final%20092017v2.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://www.seattle.gov/Documents/Departments/CityAuditor/auditreports/Hate%20Crime%20Final%20092017v2.pdf Shelf Number: 148883 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes |
Author: Paterson, Jenny Title: The Sussex Hate Crime Project: Final Report Summary: This report summarises the findings from a five year research project, the Sussex Hate Crime Project, funded by the Leverhulme Trust. The aim was to examine the indirect impacts of hate crimes how hate attacks on members of a community affect the thoughts, emotions and behaviours of other members of that community. The project focused on hate crimes targeted against LGB&T and Muslim communities and used a variety of different research methods, including questionnaire surveys, individual interviews and social psychological experiments. Key findings were: - Respondents were likely to have been victimised in a hate crime/incident in the past 3 years o 72% of LGB&T respondents and 71% of Muslim respondents had been victims - Respondents were likely to know someone else who had been victimised in a hate crime/incident in the past 3 years o 87% of LGB&T respondents and 83% of Muslim respondents knew another victim - Experiences of hate crime via the media and online were also extremely common o 83% of LGB&T respondents and 86% of Muslim respondents had been directly targeted online o 86% of LGB&T respondents and 88% of Muslim respondents knew someone who had been targeted online o 90% of LGB&T respondents had seen at least one hate crime reported in the media in the past 3 years - Hate crimes, whether experienced directly, indirectly, through the media, in person or online were consistently linked to: o Increased feelings of vulnerability, anxiety, anger, and sometimes shame o Being more security conscious, avoidant, and more active within the community - Hate crime victims received more empathy than non-hate crime victims and sometimes were blamed more than non-hate crime victims - The indirect effects of hate crimes can be described as a process: 1. Hate crimes increase feelings of vulnerability and empathy 2. Feelings of vulnerability and empathy then increase emotional reactions (anger, anxiety, shame) 3. These emotional reactions motivate specific behavioural responses: - Anger leads to pro-active behaviours and less avoidance - Anxiety leads to avoidance and security concerns - Shame, although not always felt strongly, is linked to avoidance, pro-active behaviours, security concerns, and uniquely to retaliation - Perceptions of the criminal justice system were generally negative - especially when people had indirect experiences of hate crimes - Around a quarter of respondents had contacted the police about a hate crime while less than 10% had experience with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) about a hate crime o Contact with the police was associated with more negative perceptions for Muslim respondents o Contact with the CPS did not significantly affect perceptions about this institution - Respondents were unlikely to report verbal or online abuse but were very likely to report acts of vandalism and assault to the police o Younger participants and those less identified with their community were less likely to report hate crimes to the police o Some participants would not report hate crimes because they felt that it would not help and that they may experience secondary victimisation by the police - 61% of LGB&T and Muslim participants preferred restorative justice (RJ) as a criminal justice response to hate crimes than an enhanced prison sentence o LGB&T participants perceived RJ to be more beneficial to the victim and the offender and were more satisfied with RJ compared to an enhanced sentence - The more identified people were with their community, the angrier they felt about hate crimes and the more they wanted to get involved in combating the harms of hate - Interviews revealed that LGB&T and Muslim people felt connected to their communities at three levels: locally, nationally and globally- Interview participants felt greater levels of anger and anxiety about hate crimes committed in their local neighbourhood - Some interview participants felt connected to other LGB&T and Muslim people globally through a sense of "shared suffering" - Interview participants felt angry about hate crimes against other groups but felt less vulnerable and anxious about these compared with hate crimes against their own community In sum, hate crimes spread fear and anger throughout communities that impact upon people's actions and their perceptions of the criminal justice system. Individuals themselves do not have to be targeted to be impacted: simply knowing someone who has been victimised is sufficient to cause these effects. Hate crimes, then, have the potential to cause injury and distress both at the individual and community level. Details: Brighton, UK: University of Sussex, 2018. 53p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 2, 2018: https://www.sussex.ac.uk/webteam/gateway/file.php?name=sussex-hate-crime-project-report.pdf&site=430 Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.sussex.ac.uk/webteam/gateway/file.php?name=sussex-hate-crime-project-report.pdf&site=430 Shelf Number: 148987 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimeDiscriminationHate Crimes |
Author: Human Rights Watch Title: "No Choice but to Deny Who I Am": Summary: Ghana has a mixed record in its treatment of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people. Ghanaian officials have publicly supported an end to violence based on sexual orientation and gender identity, but fail to repeal the law that contributes to discrimination. Section 104(1)(b) of its Criminal Offences Act criminalizes "unnatural carnal knowledge." The law is a colonial legacy that is rarely, if ever, enforced, and unlike several of its neighbors, Ghana has not taken steps in recent years to stiffen penalties against consensual same-sex conduct or to expressly criminalize sexual relations between women. Nevertheless, the inference that Section 104(1)(b) criminalizes adult consensual same-sex conduct contributes to a climate in which LGBT people are very frequently victims of violence, extortion and discrimination in many different aspects of daily life, because of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Based on 114 interviews with LGBT people in Accra, Tamale, Kumasi, and Cape Coast, "No Choice but to Deny Who I Am" found that section 104(1)(b) fuels violence against lesbian, bisexual and gender non-conforming women in the home and LGBT people more generally in communities where they live. The report also found that, homophobic statements by local and national government officials, local traditional elders, and senior religious leaders foment homophobia and in some cases, incite violence. Human Rights Watch calls on the Parliament of Ghana to repeal Section 104(1)(b), and on the government of Ghana to adopt measures to monitor and report on hate speech and to protect LGBT persons from all forms of discrimination, intimidation and violence. Ghanaian authorities should also engage in a constructive dialogue with the LGBT population to better understand its needs - with a particular focus on addressing the intersecting forms of discrimination that affect lesbian and bisexual women -- and ensure that the necessary legislative and policy measures are taken to ensure their safety, dignity, and equality. Details: New York; HRW, 2018. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 14, 2018 at: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/ghana0118_web.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Ghana URL: https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/ghana0118_web.pdf Shelf Number: 149133 Keywords: Bias-Motivated Crimes Discrimination Hate CrimesLesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender People LGBT Youth |
Author: Fox, Emma Title: Profiting from Prejudice: How Mend's 'IAM' Campaign Legitimised Extremism Summary: An initiative branded as a campaign to fight Islamophobia in fact provided a platform for extremism across the public and charity sectors, according to a new report from the Henry Jackson Society. The report says that Muslim Engagement and Development (MEND) exploited the legitimate concerns of people who want to fight hatred and discrimination against Muslims to push an alarmist and divisive 'us vs. them' narrative - including literature which warned that the UK was heading towards the ethnic genocide of Muslims. MEND also offered 'training' for students and encouraged them to raise money for the organisation. Profiting from Prejudice: How MEND's 'IAM' Campaign Legitimised Extremism catalogues the events which took place in November 2017 under the banner of Islamophobia Awareness Month (IAM), run by MEND. It finds that the campaign gave a platform to extremism-linked individuals, with some events hosting people with a high-profile extremist history - including incitement to violence, sympathy with convicted terrorists and support for corporal punishment against Jews, homosexuals, minority Muslim sects and 'disbelievers'. Despite the fact that the UK's national Counter-Extremism Strategy requires local authorities to ensure that "publicly-owned venues and resources do not provide a platform for extremists and are not used to disseminate extremist views", the report finds that the majority of IAM events took place on public property - from schools to university campuses - without challenge. Some of the schools involved, including two in Waltham Forest, have a history of hosting high-profile extremist speakers. IAM events also played host to various parliamentarians, academics and activists, lending the initiative - and MEND - added legitimacy. A report from the Henry Jackson Society published in 2017 found that MEND were "Islamists masquerading as civil libertarians" - but engagement with the organisation by figures such as Labour Leader Jeremy Corbyn continues to enable MEND's prominence on mainstream platforms. The report contains several recommendations to reduce the impact of non-violent extremist groups in the public and civil society sectors, including: Events hosted at public institutions featuring a speaker linked to extremism should be recorded - and panels should always be balanced, with extremist-linked views challenged by other speakers. Universities' risk mitigation procedures, required under Prevent, should be more transparent in order to highlight why extremist groups continue to appear unchallenged on campus. A guidance framework should be drawn up for politicians, the police and civil society to raise awareness of how extremist groups operate - and ensure a unified stance against those who threaten social cohesion. Details: London: Henry Jackson Society, 2018. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 27, 2017 at: http://henryjacksonsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/HJS-Profiting-from-Prejudice-Report.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://henryjacksonsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/HJS-Profiting-from-Prejudice-Report.pdf Shelf Number: 149592 Keywords: ExtremismExtremists GroupsHate CrimesIslamophobiaMuslimsPrejudice |
Author: Muller, Karsten Title: Fanning the Flames of Hate: Social Media and Hate Crime Summary: This paper investigates the link between social media and hate crime using hand-collected data from Facebook. We study the case of Germany, where the recently emerged right-wing party Alternative fur Deutschland (AfD) has developed a major social media presence. Using a Bartik-type empirical strategy, we show that right-wing anti-refugee sentiment on Facebook predicts violent crimes against refugees in otherwise similar municipalities with higher social media usage. To establish causality, we further exploit exogenous variation in major internet and Facebook outages, which fully undo the correlation between social media and hate crime. We further find that the effect decreases with distracting news events; increases with user network interactions; and does not hold for posts unrelated to refugees. Our results suggest that social media can act as a propagation mechanism between online hate speech and real-life incidents. Details: Coventry, UK: University of Warwick, 2018. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2018 at: https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/staff/crschwarz/fanning-flames-hate.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Germany URL: https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/staff/crschwarz/fanning-flames-hate.pdf Shelf Number: 149690 Keywords: Bias Motivated CrimesHate CrimesMinority GroupsSocial Media |
Author: Walters, Mark A. Title: Hate Crime and the Legal Process: Options for Law Reform Summary: BACKGROUND The aim of this study was to assess the application of criminal laws and sentencing provisions for hate crime in England and Wales (Crime and Disorder Act 1998 (CDA), ss. 28- 32, and the Criminal Justice Act 2003 (CJA), ss. 145 and 146) in order to capture best practices and identify barriers to the implementation of these rules. The study was carried out over a 24-month period and used a multitude of sources, both secondary and primary, to answer a number of key questions that were first set out by the Law Commission's 2014 report on hate crime law reform, as well as other questions set out as part of an EU crossjurisdictional project. The report is funded by the EU Directorate-General Justice and Consumers department and forms part of a wider European study into the use of hate crime laws across five EU member states (England and Wales; Ireland; Sweden; Latvia; and the Czech Republic). METHODOLOGY A mixed-methods approach was employed for the project which enabled us to compare and contrast the stated aims and purposes of policies and legislation with the experiences of those tasked with enforcing and applying the law. This approach included: (a) an assessment of existing policies and publically available statistics; (b) a review of over 100 reported cases; and (c) 71 in-depth, qualitative semi-structured interviews with "hate crime coordinators" and "hate crime leads" at the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), District (Magistrates' Court) and Circuit (Crown Court) Judges, independent barristers, victims and staff at charitable organisations that support victims of hate crime, police officers, and local authority minority group liaison staff. Part A: Law, policy and statistics: Understanding the "life cycle" of a hate crime HATE CRIME STATISTICS Using publically available statistics on hate crime, we calculate an approximate number of offences that are likely to "drop out" of the criminal justice system. The total number of cases that drop out of the system represent what is known as the "justice gap" for hate crime. Analysis of the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) suggests that approximately 110,160 hate crimes are reported to police each year. The most recent police statistics recorded 62,518 hate crimes between 2015/16. This suggests that only 57% of those incidents reported to the police are recorded as hate crimes. During the same year, the CPS prosecuted 15,442 hate-based offences, of which 12,846 resulted in a conviction. The CPS recorded the announcement of sentencing uplifts in court as 33.8% of total hate crime convictions, which equates to 4,342 cases. If these data are accurate, it means that out of an approximate 110,160 reported hate crimes, only 4,342 offences (4%) resulted in a sentence uplift based on identity-based hostility. In other words, approximately 96% of reported hate Part B: Analysis and research findings PREPARING CASES FOR PROSECUTION: COLLATING EVIDENCE TO PROVE HOSTILITY - The most cogent form of evidence to prove the hostility element of a hate crime is witness testimony of verbalised prejudice, expressed during the commission of an offence. - Additional ways in which hate crimes can be proved in court include the use of audio and video recording of the incident. However, interviewees emphasised that, without a sound recording of verbal slurs, proving a demonstration of hostility beyond reasonable doubt via video footage is extraordinarily difficult. This was most apparent in relation to disability hate crime cases. - The defendant's prior record and bad character can be important factors in proving that a defendant was motivated by hostility. However, accessing this information is problematic, as the hostility element will not be noted on a perpetrator's record where a prior offence was aggravated by sexual orientation, disability or transgender identity hostility (under CJA provisions). - Other forms of evidence that can be sufficient to prove the hostility element of a hate crime include leaflets, letters and other written documentation which indicate an affiliation with right-wing hate groups. Social media comments, subscription to websites with links to racist organisations, and text messages displaying hate-based content are also useful forms of evidence in hate crime cases. GATHERING EVIDENCE: FAILURE TO IDENTIFY AND INVESTIGATE HOSTILITY EARLY ENOUGH - There was evidence to suggest that the CPS has made recent improvements to the identification of disability hate crimes. However, there remains a significant proportion of incidents that are not flagged correctly by the police. Interviewees noted that even where there is evidence of a disablist slur having been expressed during the commission of an offence (the most common type of evidence for all types of hate crime), the disability hate crime flag is still frequently not applied. - Conversely, in some cases, the "flags" that are added to case files can become a barrier to looking beyond the wider facts of the case. This may mean that other facts or types of prejudice are lost during the investigation. - There was a perception amongst some CPS interviewees that the police need to be more "proactive" in identifying the relevant pieces of evidence that will make for a compelling case, especially in complex cases that do not involve verbalised prejudice. However, even with more carefully crafted evidence files, prosecutors frequently fail to secure uplifts at sentence for disability hate crime, meaning that the effective enforcement of hate crime legislation for victims of disability hate crime remains in doubt. - CPS prosecutors pointed to issues with some police officers not being aware of hate crime sentencing provisions, which led to investigators not collating the necessary evidence of hostility towards the complainant's sexual orientation, transgender identity or disability. GATHERING EVIDENCE: THE IMPORTANCE OF GOOD RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN POLICE AND THE CPS - Gathering evidence and presenting it successfully in court depends on a good relationship between the police and the CPS. Breakdowns in this relationship can result in cases "dropping out" of the system. - Communication problems can occur if charging advice is not sought by the police early on. In some cases, this makes it difficult to gather the necessary evidence for the hostility element later in the process. Although all interviewees were aware that the CPS needed to be contacted for charging advice, CPS prosecutors noted that this did not always happen. - Open lines of communication are key to ensuring that charging advice is sought and that discussions regarding the quality of evidence are had early on in a case's "life cycle". Police officers indicated that more immediate contact with the CPS is necessary, especially because hate crime legislation can be confusing and the police may need advice before interviewing suspects. - Communication between the CPS and the police is sometimes strained due to difference in preferred styles of communication - with the CPS frequently preferring e-communication (and reviewing of files), whereas police officers often preferred interpersonal discussions about a case. - Independent barristers for the prosecution noted that advice is often not sought from them early in the process, and a breakdown of communication between barristers and police via the CPS can lead to evidence not being collated or presented in court. RECOMMENDATION We recommend that investigators use (a non-exhaustive) checklist during the investigation and charging stages of the criminal process (the items on the checklist can be found at 6.1 in the main report). We recommend that the CPS provide police (and independent barristers employed for the prosecution) with a direct and open line to CPS area hate crime leads. Independent barristers for the prosecution should also be included in the case review process where possible. Details: Brighton, UK: University of Sussex, Crime Research Centre, 2017. 214p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 2, 2018 at: https://www.sussex.ac.uk/webteam/gateway/file.php?name=final-report---hate-crime-and-the-legal-process.pdf&site=539 Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.sussex.ac.uk/webteam/gateway/file.php?name=final-report---hate-crime-and-the-legal-process.pdf&site=539 Shelf Number: 149973 Keywords: Bias-Motivated Crime Crime Statistics Criminal Law ReformDiscrimination Hate Crimes Prejudice |
Author: Walach, Vaclav Title: Lifecycle of a Hate Crime. Country Report for the Czech Republic Summary: The objective of this research was to determine how hate crimes are investigated and punished in the Czech Republic (CR). This was achieved by analysing the experiences of individual actors in the criminal proceedings for this type of crime. Our corpus of data included the following categories of informants: offenders, victims, defense attorneys, public prosecutors, and judges. Additional sources of data consisted primarily of secondary literature (legislation, by-laws, concept documents, legal analyses, etc.). The project focus suggested a specific approach to the data construction. It is relatively difficult to gain access to the population for each of the categories in the hate crime research corpus. Informants within the justice system (public prosecutors and judges) are small in number and, additionally, are restricted by regulations imposed by superior bodies. In practice, this meant that potential informants could not be contacted directly, but only by submitting a formal request to individual courts and public prosecutors' offices. Access to these people was further complicated by the fact that, in the CR, hate crimes constitute a relatively narrow slice of criminal activity, and particular informants who deal with this activity are difficult to identify in advance (see below). To target these individuals, then, we relied upon help from the institutions representing individual categories of informants. Attorneys who had represented hate crime offenders or their victims in the past were also difficult to gain access to. Because no records are kept of these individuals, we were forced to identify potential informants in advance using our prior experience, or by analyzing court judgments or media content. This already reduced sample size shrank further with the frequent refusal of those contacted to take part in the research for a number of reasons. It was similarly difficult to gain access to offenders and victims of hate crime. Data protection laws, which mandate that personal data concerning offenders and victims be anonymized in judicial records provided to the public, have rendered the population in these two categories invisible. It was therefore necessary to approach these individuals via the prisons and probation institutions responsible for monitoring the offenders, along with organizations focused on helping hate crime victims. Identifying and Contacting Informants Informants were identified and contacted in two phases During the first phase, we contacted the lead organizations for the justice system, legal representation, and the prisons-the Czech Judicial Union (CJU), the Supreme Public Prosecutor's Office (SPPO), the Judicial Academy (JA), the Czech Bar Association (CBA) and the General Directorate of the Prison Service (GDPS). We anticipated that they would provide access to experts in the justice system, legal profession, and to offenders. But with the exception of the GDPS, none of these institutions mediated contact with any of the informants officially. Also unsuccessful was an attempt to make mass contact with all lawyers via the CBA. There was no response to requests posted on the CBA's website or in their official magazine, Bulletin Advokacie. For this reason, we embarked upon the second phase of contact and identification, this time primarily employing personal contacts, along with an analysis of court decisions in hate crime cases and a media analysis of cases in which hate crime was mentioned. The task of identifying appropriate informants, however, clearly differed based upon the type of actor being contacted. Details: Prague: in IUSTITIA, o.p.s., 2017. 124p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed may 2, 2018 at: https://www.iccl.ie/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Life-Cycle-of-a-Hate-Crime-Country-Report-for-Czech-Republic-English.pdf Year: 2017 Country: Czech Republic URL: https://www.iccl.ie/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/Life-Cycle-of-a-Hate-Crime-Country-Report-for-Czech-Republic-English.pdf Shelf Number: 149974 Keywords: Bias-Motivated Crime Criminal InvestigationDiscrimination Hate Crimes Police InvestigationsPrejudice |
Author: Be Real Campaign Title: In Your Face: A report investigating young people's experiences of appearance-based bullying Summary: The purpose of this research was to investigate young people's experiences of appearance-based bullying. The relationship many young people have with their appearance is a negative one. It is a relationship that is powered by constant comparisons with others, self-doubt, and in some cases, crippling insecurities. For many, this relationship is reinforced by an explicit barrage of messages, comments and even physical attacks, which tell them their appearance is not good enough and is deemed in some way unacceptable by those around them. It is clear comments and criticisms of young people's appearance have become part of everyday life. However, while largely expected by young people, such criticisms should not be accepted. As such, 'In Your Face' seeks to challenge the norms by allowing young people the space to discuss their views and experiences to reveal the real impact of appearance-based bullying on the lives of individuals in the UK, and to create practical solutions that can be implemented to tackle the problem. Bullying around appearance is an inevitable evil for young people More than half of young people (55%) have been bullied about their appearance. Two fifths of these (40%) experienced this bullying at least once a week. or most people experiencing this bullying (54%), this starts by the age of ten years-old. The most significant impact this bullying has on young people is on their mental wellbeing More than half of young people (53%) who had experienced appearance-based bullying said they became anxious and a quarter (29%) said they became depressed as a result. Three fifths of young people (60%) took action to change their appearance as a result of the bullying they received. The most prominent focus being to change their size and body shape, with almost a quarter (24%) of young people dieting and nearly a fifth (19%) doing more exercise. While social media adds a new dimension to bullying, traditional forms still prevail Nearly nine in 10 of those who had been bullied about their appearance (87%) experienced verbal abuse. Of those young people who had experienced bullying based on their appearance, more than one quarter (26%) were cyberbullied. Four in five young people (80%) who had experienced bullying related to their appearance did so in school or college. More than half of young people who had experienced this bullying saying it had come from either their acquaintances or peers (53%) or their friends (51%). The quantitative fieldwork for 'In Your Face' was conducted by Youth Sight, which surveyed more than 1000 secondary school pupils aged 11 to 16 years old from across the UK. To supplement this, YMCA also held focus groups in 12 locations in the UK with young people aged between 11 and 16 years old. The fieldwork was carried out between August 2017 and February 2018. Details: London: YMCA England & Wales, 2018. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 7, 2018 at: https://www.ymca.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/In-Your-Face-v1.0.pdf Year: 2018 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.ymca.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/In-Your-Face-v1.0.pdf Shelf Number: 150090 Keywords: Bias-Related CrimesBullyingHate Crimes |
Author: Steinhardt, Max Friedrich Title: The Impact of Xenophobic Violence on the Integration of Immigrants Summary: Integration of immigrants is a two-way process involving immigrants and the host country society. An underexplored question is how events of xenophobic violence in the host country affect the integration of immigrants. For this purpose, I exploit a unique series of anti-immigrant attacks in the early 1990s in West Germany. Using a difference-indifferences matching strategy, I find that macro exposure to xenophobic violence has an impact on several dimensions of socio-economic integration of immigrants. In particular, it reduces subjective well-being and increases return intentions, while it reduces investment in German language skills among those staying in Germany. From a policy perspective, this paper shows that anti-immigrant violence can have indirect costs by impairing the integration of those immigrants who belong to the target group of xenophobic attacks. Details: Bonn, Germany: IZA Institute of Labor Economics, 2018. 45p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper No. 11781: Accessed October 24, 2018 at: http://ftp.iza.org/dp11781.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Germany URL: http://ftp.iza.org/dp11781.pdf Shelf Number: 153080 Keywords: Hate CrimesImmigrants Xenophobia |
Author: Georgetown University. Law Center. Human Rights Institute Title: Trapped: Cycles of Violence and Discrimination Against Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Persons in Guyana Summary: This report is the result of an investigation of the discriminatory treatment of LGBT individuals in Guyana in various social, economic, civil, and political sectors. Drafted by members of Georgetown Law Human Rights Institute Fact-Finding Project, the report is a culmination of desk and field research, including reports from 68 interviewees, and an analysis of the trends and state of Guyanese law and policy affecting LGBT persons and their rights. Te team interviewed LGBT individuals, human rights defenders and activists, academics, members of the Guyanese government and police force, religious leaders, and regional experts in preparing this report. The findings illustrate a severe dearth in the protection and fulfillment of the rights of the LGBT persons in nearly every aspect of daily life that was examined, despite clear obligations by the State to ensure such rights are respected. Guyana has signed and ratified a number of treaties, both international (at the United Nations level) and regional (at the Inter-American level), and must comply with the binding obligations contained therein. Those treaties enumerate a wide range of fundamental rights aforded to individuals including those with perceived or actual non-normative sexual orientation, gender identity, or gender expression (SOGIE) - that Guyana must respect, protect, and fulfill. LGBT individuals in Guyana experience violence and discrimination across all sectors of their lives, with instances combining and intersecting to create an existence in which LGBT persons are trapped in a life cycle of violence and discrimination. Starting at home and in school, LGBT children experience homophobic- and transphobic-motivated bullying, directly impacting their ability and right to access education guaranteed by the Guyanese Constitution and international human rights law. Such discrimination is perpetrated by other students, teachers, and administrators and often continues at home. Interviewees reported leaving the education system, and oftentimes their home, before finishing secondary-level education as a direct result of such discrimination and harassment. Lack of formal education combined with societal discrimination against those with perceived or actual non-normative SOGIE make it difficult to find and keep formal-sector employment. Guyanese employment law fails to protect against discrimination on the grounds of SOGIE, thereby giving employers the discretion to discriminate. Those who do obtain formal employment are often subjected to the same discrimination and harassment described above. LGBT individuals are thus faced with the difficult decision of staying in a hostile work environment or risking unemployment - which leads to poverty and further rights violations. As with education and employment, healthcare is another sector rife with discrimination. Interviewees reported overt stigmatization and breaches of confidentiality based on their non-normative SOGIE and/or on their HIV status. Although the State offers universal healthcare, discrimination by some doctors and nurses at state facilities has discouraged a significant number of interviewees from seeking this public benefit. LGBT persons also regularly face threats, intimidation, harassment, and violence in public spaces. This violence is perpetrated by both private and state actors. Moreover, impunity for such acts is pervasive. Access to justice is often denied in its initial stages by some law enforcement officers who refuse to take, or investigate, reports proffered by LGBT individuals. Interviewees who experienced futility in reporting violence to the police noted that they are unlikely to attempt reporting again in the future. Te inability to report crime leads to a lack of access to the complete justice system, including courts and remedies. Based on these trends and findings, this report makes several recommendations to the Guyanese government and other stakeholders. In documenting and analyzing the treatment of LGBT individuals in Guyana vis-a-vis the State's human rights obligations, this report seeks to motivate the Government to adopt remedial measures to protect the fundamental rights of LGBT persons in Guyana. Details: Washington, DC: The Institute, 2018. 90p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 7, 2018 at: https://www.law.georgetown.edu/human-rights-institute/wp-content/uploads/sites/7/2018/06/Georgetown_LGBT_book_DigitalFINAL.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Guyana URL: https://www.law.georgetown.edu/human-rights-institute/wp-content/uploads/sites/7/2018/06/Georgetown_LGBT_book_DigitalFINAL.pdf Shelf Number: 153354 Keywords: Bias Crime Discrimination Hate CrimesHuman Rights Abuses LGBT Persons |